View source for Social:Biblical Hebrew

{{Short description|Archaic form of the Hebrew language}}
{{Infobox language
| name = Biblical Hebrew
| altname = Classical Hebrew
| nativename = <span dir="rtl"> {{lang|he|שְֹפַת כְּנַעַן}}, {{lang|he|יְהוּדִית}}, {{lang|he|(לָשׁוֹן) עִבְרִית}}, {{lang|he|לְשׁוֹן הַקֹּדֶשׁ}}</span>
| region = {{ubl|[[Place:Kingdom of Israel (united monarchy)|Kingdom of Israel (united monarchy)]]|[[History:Kingdom of Judah|Kingdom of Judah]]|Kingdom of Israel (Samaria)|Hasmonean dynasty|Global (as a liturgical language for Judaism)}}
| era = attested from the 10th century BCE; developed into Mishnaic Hebrew after the Jewish–Roman wars in the first century CE
| image = Shiloach.jpg
| imagecaption = Siloam Inscription at Istanbul Archaeological Museum
| familycolor = Afro-Asiatic
| fam2 = Semitic
| fam3 = [[Social:West Semitic languages|West Semitic]]
| fam4 = Central Semitic
| fam5 = Northwest Semitic
| fam6 = Canaanite
| script = {{ubl|Proto-Canaanite / Proto-Sinaitic Script|[[Social:Paleo-Hebrew alphabet|Paleo-Hebrew alphabet]]|[[Social:Hebrew alphabet|Hebrew alphabet]]|Samaritan alphabet}}
| stand1 = [[Unsolved:Samaritan Hebrew|Samaritan]]
| stand2 = Mishnaic Hebrew {{Extinct}}
| stand3 = [[Social:Medieval Hebrew|Medieval Hebrew]] (Became [[Social:Modern Hebrew|Modern Hebrew]]
| stand4 = Babylonian {{Extinct}}
| stand5 = Ashkenazi
| stand6 = Sephardi
| stand7 = Italki
| stand8 = Mizrahi
| stand9 = Temani
| stand10 = [[Social:Tiberian Hebrew|Tiberian]] {{Extinct}}
| stand11 = Palestinian {{Extinct}}
| lc1 = hbo
| ld1 = Ancient Hebrew
| lc2 = smp
| ld2 = [[Unsolved:Samaritan Hebrew|Samaritan Hebrew]]
| linglist = hbo
| linglist2 = smp
| glotto = anci1244
| glottoname = Ancient Hebrew
| glotto2 = sama1313
| glottoname2 = Samaritan
| notice = IPA
}}

'''Biblical Hebrew''' ({{lang|he|עִבְרִית מִקְרָאִית|rtl=yes}} {{Audio|ivritmiqrait.ogg|(''Ivrit Miqra'it'')}} or {{lang|he|לְשׁוֹן הַמִּקְרָא|rtl=yes}} {{Audio|leshonhamiqra.ogg|(''Leshon ha-Miqra'')}}), also called '''Classical Hebrew''', is an archaic form of the [[Social:Hebrew language|Hebrew language]], a language in the Canaanite branch of Semitic languages spoken by the Israelites in the area known as the [[Place:Land of Israel|Land of Israel]], roughly west of the Jordan River and east of the [[Place:Mediterranean Sea|Mediterranean Sea]]. The term "Hebrew" (''ivrit'') was not used for the language in the [[Religion:Hebrew Bible|Hebrew Bible]], which was referred to as {{lang|he| שְֹפַת כְּנַעַן}} (''sefat kena'an'', i.e. language of Canaan) or {{lang|he|יְהוּדִית}} (''Yehudit'', i.e. Judaean), but the name was used in [[Social:Ancient Greek|Ancient Greek]] and Mishnaic Hebrew texts.<ref name=Barton>{{cite book
| title = The Biblical World
| volume = 2
| editor1-last = Barton
| editor1-first = John
| publisher = Taylor & Francis
| year = 2004
| orig-year = 2002
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=LtD4Xomh4XgC&pg=PA7
| page = 7
| quote = Interestingly, the term 'Hebrew' (ibrit) is not used of the language in the biblical text
| isbn = 978-0-415-35091-4
}} 
</ref>

The Hebrew language is attested in inscriptions from about the 10th century&nbsp;BCE,<ref name="eurekalert.org">{{Harvcoltxt|Feldman|2010}}</ref><ref name="bar" /> when it was almost identical to [[Social:Phoenician language|Phoenician]] and other Canaanite languages, and spoken Hebrew persisted through and beyond the [[History:Second Temple period|Second Temple period]], which ended in the [[Biology:Siege of Jerusalem (70 CE)|siege of Jerusalem (70 CE)]]. It eventually developed into Mishnaic Hebrew, spoken until the fifth century&nbsp;CE.

The language of the Hebrew Bible reflects various stages of the Hebrew language in its consonantal skeleton, as well as a vocalization system which was added in the [[History:Middle Ages|Middle Ages]] by the Masoretes. There is also some evidence of regional [[Social:Dialect|dialect]]al variation, including differences between Biblical Hebrew as spoken in the northern Kingdom of Israel and in the southern [[History:Kingdom of Judah|Kingdom of Judah]]. The consonantal text was transmitted in manuscript form, and underwent redaction in the Second Temple period, but its earliest portions (parts of Amos, Isaiah, Hosea and Micah) [[Religion:Dating the Bible|can be dated]] to the late 8th to early 7th centuries BCE.

Biblical Hebrew has been written with a number of different [[Social:Writing system|writing system]]s. From around the 12th century&nbsp;BCE until the 6th century BCE the Hebrews used the [[Social:Paleo-Hebrew alphabet|Paleo-Hebrew alphabet]]. This was retained by the Samaritans, who use the descendent Samaritan script to this day. However, the Imperial Aramaic alphabet gradually displaced the Paleo-Hebrew alphabet after the exile to Babylon, and it became the source for the [[Social:Modern Hebrew#Alphabet|Modern Hebrew alphabet]]. All of these scripts were lacking letters to represent all of the sounds of Biblical Hebrew, although these sounds are reflected in Greek and Latin transcriptions/translations of the time. These scripts originally indicated only consonants, but certain letters, known by the [[Social:Latin|Latin]] term ''matres lectionis'', became increasingly used to mark vowels. In the Middle Ages, various systems of diacritics were developed to mark the vowels in Hebrew manuscripts; of these, only the Tiberian vocalization is still in wide use.

Biblical Hebrew possessed a series of emphatic consonants whose precise articulation is disputed, likely ejective or pharyngealized. Earlier Biblical Hebrew possessed three consonants which did not have their own letters in the writing system, but over time they merged with other consonants. The stop consonants developed fricative allophones under the influence of Aramaic, and these sounds eventually became marginally [[Social:Phoneme|phonemic]]. The pharyngeal and glottal consonants underwent weakening in some regional dialects, as reflected in the modern Samaritan Hebrew reading tradition. The vowel system of Biblical Hebrew changed over time and is reflected differently in the ancient Greek and Latin transcriptions, medieval vocalization systems, and modern reading traditions.

Biblical Hebrew had a typical Semitic morphology with nonconcatenative morphology, arranging Semitic roots into patterns to form words. Biblical Hebrew distinguished two genders (masculine, feminine), three numbers (singular, plural, and uncommonly, dual). Verbs were marked for voice and mood, and had two [[Social:Grammatical conjugation|conjugations]] which may have indicated aspect and/or [[Social:Grammatical tense|tense]] (a matter of debate). The tense or aspect of verbs was also influenced by the conjunction {{lang|hbo|ו|rtl=yes}}, in the so-called waw-consecutive construction. Unlike modern Hebrew, the default word order for biblical Hebrew was [[Social:Verb–subject–object|verb–subject–object]], and verbs inflected for the number, gender, and person of their subject. Pronominal suffixes could be appended to verbs (to indicate object) or nouns (to indicate possession), and nouns had special construct states for use in possessive constructions.

== Nomenclature ==

The earliest written sources refer to Biblical Hebrew as {{lang|hbo|שפת כנען|rtl=yes}} "the language of Canaan".<ref>{{bibleverse|Isaiah|19:18|HE}}</ref><ref name="s1" /> The Hebrew Bible also calls the language {{lang|hbo|יהודית|rtl=yes}} "Judaean, Judahite"<ref>{{bibleverse|2 Kings|18:26–28|HE}}</ref><ref name="s1" /> In the Hellenistic period, Greek writings use the names ''Hebraios'', ''Hebraïsti''<ref>Josephus, ''Antiquities'' I, 1:2, etc.</ref> and in Mishnaic Hebrew we find {{lang|hbo|עברית|rtl=yes}} 'Hebrew' and {{lang|hbo|לשון עברית|rtl=yes}} "Hebrew language".<ref>Mishnah Gittin 9:8, etc.</ref><ref name="s1" /> The origin of this term is obscure; suggested origins include the biblical Eber, the ethnonyms [[History:Habiru|Ḫabiru]], Ḫapiru, and ˁApiru found in sources from Egypt and the near east, and a derivation from the root {{lang|hbo|עבר|rtl=yes}} "to pass" alluding to crossing over the Jordan River.<ref name="s1" />{{sfn|Rainey|2008}} Jews also began referring to Hebrew as {{lang|hbo|לשון הקדש|rtl=yes}} "the Holy Tongue" in Mishnaic Hebrew.<ref name="s1" />

The term ''Classical Hebrew'' may include all pre-medieval dialects of Hebrew, including Mishnaic Hebrew, or it may be limited to Hebrew contemporaneous with the Hebrew Bible. The term ''Biblical Hebrew'' refers to pre-Mishnaic dialects (sometimes excluding Dead Sea Scroll Hebrew). The term ''Biblical Hebrew'' may or may not include extra-biblical texts, such as inscriptions (e.g. the Siloam inscription), and generally also includes later vocalization traditions for the Hebrew Bible's consonantal text, most commonly the early medieval Tiberian vocalization.{{citation needed|date=October 2021}}

== History ==
[[File:Barkokhba-silver-tetradrachm.jpg|thumb|200px|alt=Bar-Kokhba revolt coin using Paleo-Hebrew script, showing on one side a facade of the Temple, the Ark of the Covenant within, star above; and on the other a lulav with etrog.|Coin issued during the Bar Kokhba revolt. The Paleo-Hebrew text reads {{lang|hbo|שמעון|rtl=yes}} "Simeon" on the front and {{lang|hbo|לחרות ירושלם|rtl=yes}} "for the freedom of Jerusalem" on the back.]]

The archeological record for the prehistory of Biblical Hebrew is far more complete than the record of Biblical Hebrew itself.<ref name="enws">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|pp=6–7}}</ref> Early Northwest Semitic (ENWS) materials are attested from 2350&nbsp;BCE to 1200&nbsp;BCE, the end of the [[History:Bronze Age|Bronze Age]].<ref name="enws" /> The Northwest Semitic languages, including Hebrew, differentiated noticeably during the Iron Age (1200–540&nbsp;BCE), although in its earliest stages Biblical Hebrew was not highly differentiated from [[Social:Ugaritic|Ugaritic]] and the Canaanite of the Amarna letters.<ref name="wo8-9" />

Hebrew developed during the latter half of the second millennium&nbsp;BCE between the Jordan and the [[Place:Mediterranean Sea|Mediterranean Sea]], an area known as [[Place:Canaan|Canaan]].<ref name="s1">{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=1–2}}</ref> The Israelite tribes established a kingdom in Canaan at the beginning of the first millennium&nbsp;BCE, which later split into the kingdom of Israel in the north and the kingdom of Judah in the south after a disputed succession.<ref name="sthist">{{Harvcoltxt|Steiner|1997|p=145}}</ref>

The kingdom of Israel was destroyed by the Assyrians in 722&nbsp;BCE.<ref name="sthist" /> The kingdom of Judah was conquered by the Babylonians in 586&nbsp;BCE. The upper classes were exiled into the Babylonian captivity and Solomon's Temple was destroyed.<ref name="sthist" /><ref name="s112" /> Later the Persians made Judah a province and permitted Jewish exiles to return and rebuild the Temple.<ref name="sthist" /> According to the ''Gemara'', Hebrew of this period was similar to [[Social:Imperial Aramaic|Imperial Aramaic]];<ref>Meir Holder, [https://books.google.com/books?id=t2bJ1UqfNXAC ''History of the Jewish People: From Yavneh to Pumbedisa''], Mesorah, 1986, p. 115.</ref><ref>[https://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/1051040/jewish/Aramaic-the-Yiddish-of-the-Middle-East.htm Aramaic: the Yiddish of the Middle East]</ref> Hanina bar Hama said that God sent the exiled Jews to Babylon because "[the Babylonian] language is akin to the ''Leshon Hakodesh''".<ref>Pesahim 87b</ref>

Aramaic became the common language in the north, in [[Religion:Galilee|Galilee]] and [[Place:Samaria|Samaria]].<ref name="s112" /> Hebrew remained in use in Judah; however the returning exiles brought back Aramaic influence, and Aramaic was used for communicating with other ethnic groups during the Persian period.<ref name="s112">{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=112–113}}</ref> Alexander conquered Judah in 332&nbsp;BCE, beginning the period of Hellenistic (Greek) domination.<ref name="s112" /> During the Hellenistic period Judea became independent under the Hasmonean dynasty, but later the Romans ended their independence, making Herod the Great their governor.<ref name="sthist" /> One Jewish revolt against the Romans led to the destruction of the Second Temple in 70&nbsp;CE, and the second Bar Kokhba revolt in 132–135 led to a large departure of the Jewish population of Judea.<ref name="sthist" />

Biblical Hebrew after the Second Temple period evolved into Mishnaic Hebrew, which ceased being spoken and developed into a literary language around 200 CE.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=166, 171}}</ref> Hebrew continued to be used as a literary and liturgical language in the form of [[Social:Medieval Hebrew|Medieval Hebrew]], and Hebrew began a revival process in the 19th century, culminating in [[Social:Modern Hebrew|Modern Hebrew]] becoming the official language of [[Place:Israel|Israel]]. Currently, Classical Hebrew is generally taught in public schools in [[Place:Israel|Israel]], and Biblical Hebrew forms are sometimes used in Modern Hebrew literature, much as archaic and biblical constructions are used in Modern English literature. Since Modern Hebrew contains many biblical elements, Biblical Hebrew is fairly intelligible to Modern Hebrew speakers.<ref name="blau11">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=11–12}}</ref>

The primary source of Biblical Hebrew material is the Hebrew Bible.<ref name="wo8-9">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|pp=8–9}}</ref><ref name="b10" /> Epigraphic materials from the area of Israelite territory are written in a form of Hebrew called Inscriptional Hebrew, although this is meagerly attested.<ref name="b10">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=10}}</ref><ref name="wo8a">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|pp=8}}: "The extrabiblical linguistic material from the Iron Age is primarily epigraphic, that is, texts written on hard materials (pottery, stones, walls, etc.). The epigraphic texts from Israelite territory are written in Hebrew in a form of the language which may be called Inscriptional Hebrew; this "dialect" is not strikingly different from the Hebrew preserved in the Masoretic text. Unfortunately, it is meagerly attested."</ref> According to Waltke & O'Connor, Inscriptional Hebrew "is not strikingly different from the Hebrew preserved in the Masoretic text."<ref name="wo8a"/> The damp climate of Israel caused the rapid deterioration of papyrus and parchment documents, in contrast to the dry environment of Egypt, and the survival of the Hebrew Bible may be attributed to scribal determination in preserving the text through copying.<ref name="wo16">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=16}}</ref> No manuscript of the Hebrew Bible dates to before 400&nbsp;BCE, although two silver rolls (the Ketef Hinnom scrolls) from the seventh or sixth century&nbsp;BCE show a version of the Priestly Blessing.<ref name="wo16" /><ref name="yheb" /><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Tov|1992|p=118}}</ref> Vowel and cantillation marks were added to the older consonantal layer of the Bible between 600&nbsp;CE and the beginning of the 10th century.<ref name="b7" /><ref group="nb">This is known because the final redaction of the Talmud, which does not mention these additions, was {{Circa|600 CE}}, while dated manuscripts with vocalization are found in the beginning of the tenth century. See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=7}}</ref> The scholars who preserved the pronunciation of the Bibles were known as the Masoretes. The most well-preserved system that was developed, and the only one still in religious use, is the Tiberian vocalization, but both Babylonian and Palestinian vocalizations are also attested.<ref name="b7" /> The Palestinian system was preserved mainly in piyyutim, which contain biblical quotations.<ref name="b7" />

== Classification ==

{| class="wikitable floatright" style="text-align: center;"
|+Development of the various fricatives in Hebrew, Aramaic and Arabic<ref name="bmerge">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=25–40}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Frank|2003|p=12}}</ref><ref name="kogan54">{{Harvcoltxt|Kogan|2011|pp=54–150}}</ref>
! rowspan="2" | Proto-Semitic
! rowspan="2" | Hebrew
! rowspan="2" | Aramaic
! rowspan="2" | Arabic
! colspan="4" | Examples
|-
! Hebrew
! Aramaic
! Arabic
! meaning
|-
! {{IPA|*/ð/}} *ḏ
| rowspan="2" | {{IPA|*/z/}} ז
| {{IPA|*/d/}} ד
| {{IPA|*/ð/}} ذ
| '''זָ'''הָב<br />זָכָר
| '''דְּ'''הָב<br />דְּכָר
| ذَهَب <br/> ذَكَر
| 'gold' <br/> 'male'
|-
! {{IPA|*/z/}}<sup>1</sup> *z
| {{IPA|*/z/}} ז
| {{IPA|*/z/}} ز
| מֹא'''זְ'''נָיִם<br />זְמָן
| מֹא'''זְ'''נָיִן<br />זְמָן
| مَوَازَيْن <br/> زَمَن
| 'scale' <br/> 'time'
|-
! {{IPA|*/s/}} *s
| colspan=2 | {{IPA|*/s/}} ס
| {{IPA|*/s/}} س<br />{{IPA|*/ʃ/}} ش
| colspan=2 | סַכִּין‎<br />סַהַר
| سِكِّين <br/> شَهْر
| 'knife' <br/> 'moon/month'
|-
! {{IPA|*/ɬ/}} *ś
| colspan=2 | {{IPA|*/s/}} שׂ
| {{IPA|*/ʃ/}} ش
| colspan=2 | עָשָׂר
| عَشْر
| 'ten'
|-
! {{IPA|*/ʃ/}} *š
| rowspan="2" | {{IPA|*/ʃ/}} שׁ
| {{IPA|*/ʃ/}} שׁ
| {{IPA|*/s/}} س
| '''שָׁ'''נָה<br />שָׁלוֹם
| '''שָׁ'''נָה<br />שְׁלָם
| سَنة <br/> سَلام
| 'year' <br/> 'peace'
|-
! {{IPA|*/θ/}} *ṯ
| {{IPA|*/t/}} ת
| {{IPA|*/θ/}} ث
| שָׁלוֹשׁ<br />שְׁתָּיִם
| תְּלָת<br />תְּרֵין
| ثَلاث <br/> اِثْنان
| 'three' <br/> 'two'
|-
! {{IPA|*/θʼ/}}<sup>1</sup> *ṱ
| rowspan="3" | {{IPA|*/sˤ/}}<sup>1</sup> צ
| {{IPA|*/tˤ/}} ט
| {{IPA|*/ðˤ/}} ظ
| '''צֵ'''ל<br />'''צָ'''הֳרָיִם
| '''טְ'''לָה<br />טֹהֶר
| ظِلّ <br/> ظُهْر
| 'shadow' <br/> 'noon'
|-
! {{IPA|*/ɬʼ/}}<sup>1</sup> *ṣ́
| {{IPA|*/ʕ/ ע}}
| {{IPA|*/dˤ/}} ض
| אֶרֶ'''ץ'''<br />'''צָ'''חַק
| אֶרַע<br />'''עֲ'''חַק
| أَرْض <br/> ضَحِكَ
| 'land' <br/> 'laughed'
|-
! {{IPA|*/sʼ/}}<sup>1</sup> *ṣ
| {{IPA|*/sˤ/}} צ
| {{IPA|*/sˤ/}} ص
| '''צָ'''רַח<br />צַבָּר
| '''צְ'''רַח<br />צַבָּר
| صَرَخَ <br/> صَبْر
| 'shout' <br/> 'water melon like plant'
|-
! {{IPA|*/χ/}} *ḫ
| rowspan="2" colspan="2" | {{IPA|*/ħ/}} ח
|{{IPA|*/x~χ/}} خ
| חֲמִשָּׁה<br />צָ'''רַח'''
| חַמְשָׁה<br />צְרַ'''ח'''
| خَمْسة <br/> صَرَخَ
| 'five' <br/> 'shout'
|-
! {{IPA|*/ħ/}} *ḥ
| {{IPA|*/ħ/}} ح
| מֶלַ'''ח''' <br/> חָלוֹם
| מֶלַ'''ח'''<br />חֲלָם
| مِلْح<br />حُلْم
| 'salt' <br/> 'dream'
|-
! {{IPA|*/ʁ/}} *ġ
| rowspan="2" colspan="2" | {{IPA|*/ʕ/}} ע
|{{IPA|*/ɣ~ʁ/}} غ
| עוֹרֵב<br />מַעֲרָב
| עוֹרָב<br />מַעֲרָב
| غُرَاب <br/> غَرْب
| 'raven' <br/> 'west'
|-
! {{IPA|*/ʕ/}} *ʻ
| {{IPA|*/ʕ/}} ع
| colspan="2" | '''עֶ'''בֶד<br />שֶׁבַע
| عَبْد<br />سَبْع
| 'slave' <br/> 'seven'
|}

Biblical Hebrew is a Northwest Semitic language from the Canaanite subgroup.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Rendsburg|1997|p=65}}</ref>{{sfn|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=29}}

As Biblical Hebrew evolved from the [[Social:Proto-Semitic language|Proto-Semitic language]] it underwent a number of consonantal mergers parallel with those in other Canaanite languages.<ref name="bmerge" /><ref name="sclas" /><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Dolgopolsky|1999|pp=57–59}}</ref><ref group="nb">However it is noteworthy that Akkadian shares many of these sound shifts but is less closely related to Hebrew than Aramaic. See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=19}}</ref> There is no evidence that these mergers occurred after the adaptation of the Hebrew alphabet.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=76}}</ref><ref group="nb">However, for example, when Old Aramaic borrowed the Canaanite alphabet it still had interdentals, but marked them with what they merged with in Canaanite. For instance 'ox' was written {{lang|hbo|שר|rtl=yes}} but pronounced with an initial {{IPA|/θ/}}. The same phenomenon also occurred when the Arabs adopted the Nabatean alphabet. See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=74–75}}.</ref>

As a Northwest Semitic language, Hebrew shows the shift of initial {{IPA|*/w/}} to {{IPA|/j/}}, a similar independent pronoun system to the other Northwest Semitic languages (with third person pronouns never containing {{IPA|/ʃ/}}), some archaic forms, such as {{IPA|/naħnu/}} 'we', first person singular pronominal suffix -i or -ya, and {{IPA|/n/}} commonly preceding pronominal suffixes.<ref name="sclas" /> Case endings are found in Northwest Semitic languages in the second millennium&nbsp;BCE, but disappear almost totally afterwards.<ref name="sclas" /> Mimation is absent in singular nouns, but is often retained in the plural, as in Hebrew.<ref name="sclas" />

The Northwest Semitic languages formed a dialect continuum in the [[History:Iron Age|Iron Age]] (1200–540&nbsp;BCE), with [[Social:Phoenician language|Phoenician]] and Aramaic on each extreme.<ref name="sclas">{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=36–38,43–44,47–50}}</ref><ref name="scon" /> Hebrew is classed with Phoenician in the Canaanite subgroup, which also includes [[Social:Ammonite language|Ammonite]], [[Social:Edomite language|Edomite]], and [[Place:Moab#Language|Moabite]].<ref name="sclas" /> Moabite might be considered a Hebrew dialect, though it possessed distinctive Aramaic features.<ref name="scon">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=8}}</ref><ref name="bmoab">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=18}}</ref> Although Ugaritic shows a large degree of affinity to Hebrew in poetic structure, vocabulary, and some grammar, it lacks some Canaanite features (like the Canaanite shift and the shift {{IPA|*/ð/}} > {{IPA|/z/}}), and its similarities are more likely a result of either contact or preserved archaism.<ref name="b21">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=21}}</ref>

Hebrew underwent the Canaanite shift, where Proto-Semitic {{IPA|/aː/}} tended to shift to {{IPA|/oː/}}, perhaps when stressed.<ref name="sclas" /><ref name="Blau 2010 136-137">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=136–137}}</ref> Hebrew also shares with the Canaanite languages the shifts {{IPA|*/ð/}} > {{IPA|/z/}}, {{IPA|*/θʼ/}} and {{IPA|*/ɬʼ/}} > {{IPA|/sʼ/}}, widespread reduction of diphthongs, and full assimilation of non-final /n/ to the following consonant if word final, i.e. {{lang|hbo|בת|rtl=yes}} /bat/ from *bant.<ref name="sclas" /> There is also evidence of a rule of assimilation of /y/ to the following coronal consonant in pre-tonic position, shared by Hebrew, Phoenician and Aramaic.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Garnier|Jacques|2012}}</ref>

Typical Canaanite words in Hebrew include: {{lang|hbo|גג|rtl=yes}} "roof" {{lang|hbo|שלחן|rtl=yes}} "table" {{lang|hbo|חלון|rtl=yes}} "window" {{lang|hbo|ישן|rtl=yes}} "old (thing)" {{lang|hbo|זקן|rtl=yes}} "old (person)" and {{lang|hbo|גרש|rtl=yes}} "expel".<ref name="sclas" /> Morphological Canaanite features in Hebrew include the masculine plural marker {{lang|hbo|-ם}}, first person singular pronoun {{lang|hbo|אנכי|rtl=yes}}, interrogative pronoun {{lang|hbo|מי|rtl=yes}}, definite article {{lang|hbo|ה-}} (appearing in the first millennium&nbsp;BCE), and third person plural feminine verbal marker {{lang|he|ת-}}.<ref name="sclas" />

== Eras ==
Biblical Hebrew as preserved in the [[Religion:Hebrew Bible|Hebrew Bible]] is composed of multiple linguistic layers. The consonantal skeleton of the text is the most ancient, while the cantillation and modern vocalization are later additions reflecting a later stage of the language.<ref name="b10" /> These additions were added after 600 CE; Hebrew had already ceased being used as a spoken language around 200 CE.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=7, 11}}</ref> Biblical Hebrew as reflected in the consonantal text of the Bible and in extra-biblical inscriptions may be subdivided by era.

The oldest form of Biblical Hebrew, Archaic Hebrew, is found in poetic sections of the Bible and inscriptions dating to around 1000&nbsp;BCE, the early Monarchic Period.<ref name="sb52">{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=52}}</ref><ref name="r66">{{Harvcoltxt|Rendsburg|1997|p=66}}</ref> This stage is also known as Old Hebrew or Paleo-Hebrew, and is the oldest stratum of Biblical Hebrew. The oldest known artifacts of Archaic Biblical Hebrew are various sections of the Tanakh, including the Song of Moses (Exodus 15) and the Song of Deborah (Judges 5).<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=56}}</ref> Biblical poetry uses a number of distinct lexical items, for example {{lang|hbo|חזה|rtl=yes}} for prose {{lang|hbo|ראה|rtl=yes}} 'see', {{lang|hbo|כביר|rtl=yes}} for {{lang|hbo|גדול|rtl=yes}} 'great'.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=60}}</ref> Some have cognates in other Northwest Semitic languages, for example {{lang|hbo|פעל|rtl=yes}} 'do' and {{lang|hbo|חָרוּץ|rtl=yes}} 'gold' which are common in Canaanite and Ugaritic.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=61}}</ref> Grammatical differences include the use of {{lang|hbo|זה|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|זוֹ|rtl=yes}}, and {{lang|hbo|זוּ|rtl=yes}} as relative particles, negative {{lang|hbo|בל|rtl=yes}}, and various differences in verbal and pronominal morphology and syntax.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=57–60}}</ref>

Later pre-exilic Biblical Hebrew (such as is found in prose sections of the Pentateuch, Nevi'im, and some Ketuvim) is known as 'Biblical Hebrew proper' or 'Standard Biblical Hebrew'.<ref name="sb52" /><ref name="r66" /> This is dated to the period from the 8th to the 6th century&nbsp;BCE. In contrast to Archaic Hebrew, Standard Biblical Hebrew is more consistent in using the definite article {{lang|hbo|ה-}}, the accusative marker {{lang|hbo|את|rtl=yes}}, distinguishing between simple and waw-consecutive verb forms, and in using particles like {{lang|hbo|אשר|rtl=yes}} and {{lang|hbo|כי|rtl=yes}} rather than asyndeton.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=71}}</ref>

Biblical Hebrew from after the Babylonian exile in 587&nbsp;BCE is known as 'Late Biblical Hebrew'.<ref name="sb52" /><ref name="r66" /> Late Biblical Hebrew shows Aramaic influence in phonology, morphology, and lexicon, and this trend is also evident in the later-developed Tiberian vocalization system.<ref name="sb55">{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=55}}</ref>

Qumran Hebrew, attested in the Dead Sea Scrolls from ca. 200&nbsp;BCE to 70 CE, is a continuation of Late Biblical Hebrew.<ref name="r66" /> Qumran Hebrew may be considered an intermediate stage between Biblical Hebrew and Mishnaic Hebrew, though Qumran Hebrew shows its own idiosyncratic dialectal features.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=132}}</ref>

== Dialects ==
Dialect variation in Biblical Hebrew is attested to by the well-known [[Shibboleth|shibboleth]] incident of Judges&nbsp;12:6, where Jephthah's forces from Gilead caught Ephraimites trying to cross the Jordan river by making them say {{lang|hbo|שִׁבֹּ֤לֶת|rtl=yes}} '''''š'''ibboleṯ'' ('ear of corn')<ref name="bshib">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=8,40–41}}</ref> The Ephraimites' identity was given away by their pronunciation: {{lang|he|סִבֹּ֤לֶת}} '''''s'''ibboleṯ''.<ref name="bshib" /> The apparent conclusion is that the Ephraimite dialect had {{IPA|/s/}} for standard {{IPA|/ʃ/}}.<ref name="bshib" /> As an alternative explanation, it has been suggested that the proto-Semitic phoneme {{IPA|*/θ/}}, which shifted to {{IPA|/ʃ/}} in most dialects of Hebrew, may have been retained in the Hebrew of the trans-Jordan<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Rendsburg|1997|p=70}}</ref><ref group="nb">As a consequence this would leave open the possibility that other proto-Semitic phonemes (such as *{{IPA|/ð/}}) may have been preserved regionally at one point. See {{Harvcoltxt|Rendsburg|1997|p=72}}</ref> (however, there is evidence that {{lang|hbo|שִׁבֹּ֤לֶת|rtl=yes}}'s Proto-Semitic ancestor had initial consonant '''š''' (whence Hebrew {{IPA|/ʃ/}}), contradicting this theory;<ref name="bshib" /> for example, {{lang|hbo|שִׁבֹּ֤לֶת|rtl=yes}}'s Proto-Semitic ancestor has been reconstructed as *'''''š'''u(n)bul-at-''.<ref>[http://sed-online.ru/reconstructions/398 "*šu(n)bul-at- – ear of corn"] in ''Semitic Etymological Database Online''</ref>); or that the Proto-Semitic sibilant *s<sub>1</sub>, transcribed with šin and traditionally reconstructed as *{{IPA|/ʃ/}}, had been originally *{{IPA|/s/}} while another sibilant *s<sub>3</sub>, transcribed with sameḵ and traditionally reconstructed as /s/, had been originally {{IPA|/ts/}};<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Kogan|2011|p=69}}</ref> later on, a push-type chain shift changed *s<sub>3</sub> {{IPA|/ts/}} to {{IPA|/s/}} and pushed s<sub>1</sub> {{IPA|/s/}} to {{IPA|/ʃ/}} in many dialects (e.g. Gileadite) but not others (e.g. Ephraimite), where *s<sub>1</sub> and *s<sub>3</sub> merged into /s/.

Hebrew as spoken in the northern Kingdom of Israel, known also as Israelian Hebrew, shows phonological, lexical, and grammatical differences from southern dialects.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Rendsburg|1999|p=255}}</ref> The Northern dialect spoken around Samaria shows more frequent simplification of {{IPA|/aj/}} into {{IPA|/eː/}} as attested by the Samaria ostraca (8th century&nbsp;BCE), e.g. {{lang|hbo|ין|rtl=yes}} (= {{IPA|/jeːn/}} < {{IPA|*/jajn/}} 'wine'), while the Southern (Judean) dialect instead adds in an epenthetic vowel /i/, added halfway through the first millennium&nbsp;BCE ({{lang|hbo|יין|rtl=yes}} = {{IPA|/ˈjajin/}}).<ref name="sclas" /><ref group="nb">Such contraction is also found in Ugaritic, the El-Amarna letters, and in Phoenician, while the anaptyctic vowel is found in Old Aramaic and Deir Alla. {{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=44}}</ref><ref name="bdip" /> The word play in Amos 8:1–2 {{lang|hbo|כְּלוּב קַ֫יִץ... בָּא הַקֵּץ}} may reflect this: given that Amos was addressing the population of the Northern Kingdom, the vocalization *קֵיץ would be more forceful.<ref name="bdip">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=8,96–97}}</ref> Other possible Northern features include use of {{lang|hbo|שֶ-}} 'who, that', forms like {{lang|hbo|דֵעָה|rtl=yes}} 'to know' rather than {{lang|hbo|דַעַת|rtl=yes}} and infinitives of certain verbs of the form {{lang|hbo|עֲשוֹ|rtl=yes}} 'to do' rather than {{lang|he|עֲשוֹת}}.<ref name="b8" /> The Samaria ostraca also show {{lang|hbo|שת|rtl=yes}} for standard {{lang|hbo|שנה|rtl=yes}} 'year', as in Aramaic.<ref name="b8">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=8}}</ref>

The guttural phonemes {{IPA|/ħ ʕ h ʔ/}} merged over time in some dialects.<ref name="sgut">{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=83, 137–138}}</ref> This was found in Dead Sea Scroll Hebrew, but [[Biography:Jerome|Jerome]] attested to the existence of contemporaneous Hebrew speakers who still distinguished pharyngeals.<ref name="sgut" /> Samaritan Hebrew also shows a general attrition of these phonemes, though {{IPA|/ʕ ħ/}} are occasionally preserved as {{IPA|[ʕ]}}.<ref name="samgut">{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|pp=38–39}}</ref>

== Orthography ==
{| class="wikitable" style="float: right; margin-left: 20px; text-align: center;"
! Name
! [[Social:Paleo-Hebrew alphabet|Paleo-Hebrew]]
! [[Social:Hebrew alphabet|Block]]
! Samaritan
! Phonetic<br />value<br />(Pre-Exilic)<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=6,69}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Rendsburg|1997}}</ref><br />(IPA)
|-
! Aleph
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Alef.svg|alt=|51x51px|Aleph]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|א|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠀ}}
| {{IPAblink|ʔ}}
|-
! Beth
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Bet.svg|alt=|58x58px|Beth]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ב|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠁ}}
| {{IPAblink|b}}, {{IPAblink|β}}
|-
! Gimel
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Gimel.svg|alt=|56x56px|Gimel]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ג|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠂ}}
| {{IPAblink|ɡ}}, {{IPAblink|ɣ}}
|-
! Daleth
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Dalet.svg|alt=|54x54px|Daleth]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ד|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠃ}}
| {{IPAblink|d}}, {{IPAblink|ð}}
|-
! He
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter He.svg|alt=|55x55px|Heh]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ה|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠄ}}
| {{IPAblink|h}}
|-
! Waw
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Vav.svg|alt=|62x62px|Waw]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ו|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠅ}}
| {{IPAblink|w}}/{{IPA|wᶹ}}
|-
! Zayin
|[[File:Moabite zayin.svg|alt=|45x45px|Zayin]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ז|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠆ}}
| {{IPAblink|z̄}}
|-
! Heth
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Het.svg|alt=|51x51px|Heth]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ח|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠇ}}
| {{IPAblink|ħ}} or {{IPAblink|χ}}
|-
! Teth
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Tet.svg|alt=|45x45px|Teth]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ט|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠈ}}
| {{IPAblink|tˤ}}
|-
! Yodh
|[[File:Yod-Signos.PNG|alt=|45x45px|Yodh]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|י|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠉ}}
| {{IPAblink|j}}
|-
! Kaph
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Kaf.svg|alt=|60x60px|Kaph]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|כ|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|ך|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠊ}}
| {{IPAblink|k}}, {{IPAblink|x}}
|-
! Lamedh
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Lamed.svg|alt=|66x66px|Lamedh]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ל|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠋ}}
| {{IPAblink|l}}
|-
! Mem
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Mem.svg|alt=|58x58px|Mem]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|מ|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|ם|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠌ}}
| {{IPAblink|m}}
|-
! Nun
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Nun.svg|alt=|62x62px|Nun]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|נ|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|ן|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠍ}}
| {{IPAblink|n}}
|-
! Samekh
|[[File:Samek-Signos.PNG|alt=|51x51px|Samekh]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ס|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠎ}}
| {{IPAblink|s}}
|-
! Ayin
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Ayin.svg|alt=|57x57px|Ayin]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ע|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠏ}}
| {{IPAblink|ʕ}} or {{IPAblink|ʁ}}<ref name="b69" /><ref name="r" />
|-
! Pe
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Pe.svg|alt=|58x58px|Pe]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|פ|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|ף|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠐ}}
| {{IPAblink|p}}, {{IPAblink|ɸ}}
|-
! Tsade
|[[File:PhoenicianTsade-01.svg|frameless|45x45px]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|צ|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|ץ|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠑ}}
| {{IPAblink|sˤ}}
|-
! Qoph
| [[File:Early Aramaic character - quf.png|Qoph]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ק|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠒ}}
| {{IPAblink|qˁ}}
|-
! Resh
|[[File:Paleo Hebrew Letter Resh.svg|alt=|60x60px|Resh]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ר|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠓ}}
| {{IPAblink|ɾ}}, {{IPAblink|r}}
|-
! Shin
| [[File:Early Aramaic character - shin.png|Shin]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ש|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠔ}}
| {{IPAblink|ʃ}} or [ɬ͡s]
|-
! Taw
| [[File:Early Aramaic character - tof.png|Taw]]
| style="font-size:200%" | {{lang|hbo|ת|rtl=yes}}
| style="font-size:200%" | {{Script|Samr|ࠕ}}
| {{IPAblink|t}}, {{IPAblink|θ}}
|}

The earliest Hebrew writing yet discovered, found at Khirbet Qeiyafa, dates to the 10th century&nbsp;BCE.<ref name="eurekalert.org"/> The 15&nbsp;cm x 16.5&nbsp;cm (5.9&nbsp;in x 6.5&nbsp;in) trapezoid pottery sherd ([[Engineering:Ostracon|ostracon]]) has five lines of text written in ink in the [[Social:Proto-Canaanite alphabet|Proto-Canaanite alphabet]] (the old form which predates both the Paleo-Hebrew and Phoenician alphabets).<ref name="eurekalert.org" /><ref name="bar">{{Harvcoltxt|Shanks|2010}}</ref> The tablet is written from left to right, suggesting that Hebrew writing was still in the formative stage.<ref name="bar" />

The Israelite tribes who settled in the land of Israel used a late form of the [[Social:Proto-Sinaitic script|Proto-Sinaitic Alphabet]] (known as [[Social:Proto-Canaanite alphabet|Proto-Canaanite]] when found in Israel) around the 12th century&nbsp;BCE, which developed into Early Phoenician and Early Paleo-Hebrew as found in the [[Social:Gezer calendar|Gezer calendar]] ({{circa|10th century&nbsp;BCE}}).<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Yardeni|1997|p=15}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Hanson|2011}}</ref> This script developed into the Paleo-Hebrew script in the 10th or 9th centuries&nbsp;BCE.<ref name="y">{{Harvcoltxt|Yardeni|1997|pp=13,15,17}}</ref><ref name="tscript" /><ref name="s17" /> The Paleo-Hebrew alphabet's main differences from the Phoenician script were "a curving to the left of the downstrokes in the "long-legged" letter-signs... the consistent use of a Waw with a concave top, [and an] x-shaped Taw."<ref name="y" /><ref group="nb">At times the Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, and Philistines would also use the Paleo-Hebrew script. See {{Harvcoltxt|Yardeni|1997|p=25}}</ref> The oldest inscriptions in Paleo-Hebrew script are dated to around the middle of the 9th century&nbsp;BCE, the most famous being the Mesha Stele in the Moabite language (which might be considered a dialect of Hebrew).<ref name="yheb">{{Harvcoltxt|Yardeni|1997|pp=17–25}}</ref><ref name="bmoab" /> The ancient Hebrew script was in continuous use until the early 6th century&nbsp;BCE, the end of the First Temple period.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Yardeni|1997|pp=23}}</ref> In the Second Temple Period the Paleo-Hebrew script gradually fell into disuse, and was completely abandoned among the Jews after the failed Bar Kochba revolt.<ref name="tscript" /><ref name="yb">{{Harvcoltxt|Yardeni|1997|pp=18,24–25}}</ref> The Samaritans retained the ancient Hebrew alphabet, which evolved into the modern Samaritan alphabet.<ref name="tscript">{{Harvcoltxt|Tov|1992|pp=218–220}}</ref><ref name="yb" />

By the end of the First Temple period the [[Social:Aramaic alphabet|Aramaic script]], a separate descendant of the Phoenician script, became widespread throughout the region, gradually displacing Paleo-Hebrew.<ref name="yb" /> The oldest documents that have been found in the Aramaic Script are fragments of the scrolls of Exodus, Samuel, and Jeremiah found among the Dead Sea scrolls, dating from the late 3rd and early 2nd centuries&nbsp;BCE.<ref name="ysq">{{Harvcoltxt|Yardeni|1997|pp=42,45,47–50}}</ref> It seems that the earlier biblical books were originally written in the Paleo-Hebrew script, while the later books were written directly in the later Assyrian script.<ref name="tscript" /> Some Qumran texts written in the Assyrian script write the tetragrammaton and some other divine names in Paleo-Hebrew, and this practice is also found in several Jewish-Greek biblical translations.<ref name="tscript" /><ref group="nb">Though some of these translations wrote the tetragrammaton in the square script See {{Harvcoltxt|Tov|1992|p=220}}</ref> While spoken Hebrew continued to evolve into Mishnaic Hebrew, A number of regional "book-hand" styles were put into use for the purpose of Torah manuscripts and occasionally other literary works, distinct from the calligraphic styles used mainly for private purposes.<ref name="ybook">{{Harvcoltxt|Yardeni|1997|pp=65,84–91}}</ref> The Mizrahi and Ashkenazi book-hand styles were later adapted to printed fonts after the invention of the printing press.<ref name="ybook" /> The modern [[Social:Hebrew alphabet|Hebrew alphabet]], also known as the Assyrian or Square script, appears a descendant of the Aramaic alphabet.<ref name="yb" />

The Phoenician script had dropped five characters by the 12th century&nbsp;BCE, reflecting the language's twenty-two consonantal phonemes.<ref name="s17">{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=16–18}}</ref> The 22 letters of the Paleo-Hebrew alphabet numbered less than the consonant phonemes of ancient Biblical Hebrew; in particular, the letters {{angle bracket|{{lang|he|ח, ע, ש}}}} could each mark two different phonemes.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=74–75,77}}</ref> After a sound shift the letters {{lang|hbo|ח|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|ע|rtl=yes}} could only mark one phoneme, but (except in Samaritan Hebrew) {{lang|hbo|ש|rtl=yes}} still marked two. The old Babylonian vocalization system wrote a superscript {{lang|hbo|ס|rtl=yes}} above the {{lang|hbo|ש|rtl=yes}} to indicate it took the value {{IPA|/s/}}, while the Masoretes added the shin dot to distinguish between the two varieties of the letter.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sperber|1959|p=81}}</ref><ref name="b77"/>

The original Hebrew alphabet consisted only of consonants, but the letters {{lang|hbo|א|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|ה|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|ו|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|י|rtl=yes}}, also were used to indicate vowels, known as ''matres lectionis'' when used in this function.<ref name="s17" /><ref name="to1" /> It is thought that this was a product of phonetic development: for instance, *bayt ('house') shifted to {{lang|hbo|בֵּית|rtl=yes}} in construct state but retained its spelling.<ref name="b6">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=6}}</ref> While no examples of early Hebrew orthography have been found, older [[Social:Phoenician language|Phoenician]] and Moabite texts show how First Temple period Hebrew would have been written.<ref name="to1">{{Harvcoltxt|Tov|1992|pp=221–223}}</ref> Phoenician inscriptions from the 10th century&nbsp;BCE do not indicate matres lectiones in the middle or the end of a word, for example {{lang|hbo|לפנ|rtl=yes}} and {{lang|hbo|ז|rtl=yes}} for later {{lang|hbo|לפני|rtl=yes}} and {{lang|hbo|זה|rtl=yes}}, similarly to the Hebrew Gezer Calendar, which has for instance {{lang|hbo|שערמ|rtl=yes}} for {{lang|hbo|שעורים|rtl=yes}} and possibly {{lang|hbo|ירח|rtl=yes}} for {{lang|he|ירחו}}.<ref name="to1" /> Matres lectionis were later added word-finally, for instance the Mesha inscription has {{lang|he|בללה, בנתי}} for later {{lang|he|בלילה, בניתי}}; however at this stage they were not yet used word-medially, compare Siloam inscription {{lang|hbo|זדה|rtl=yes}} versus {{lang|hbo|אש|rtl=yes}} (for later {{lang|he|איש}}).<ref name="to1" /> The relative terms ''defective'' and ''full''/''plene'' are used to refer to alternative spellings of a word with less or more matres lectionis, respectively.<ref name="to1" /><ref group="nb">Ktiv male, the Hebrew term for full spelling, has become de rigueur in Modern Hebrew.</ref>

The Hebrew Bible was presumably originally written in a more defective orthography than found in any of the texts known today.<ref name="to1" /> Of the extant textual witnesses of the Hebrew Bible, the Masoretic text is generally the most conservative in its use of matres lectionis, with the [[Religion:Samaritan Pentateuch|Samaritan Pentateuch]] and its forebearers being more full and the Qumran tradition showing the most liberal use of vowel letters.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Tov|1992|pp=96,108,222}}</ref> The Masoretic text mostly uses vowel letters for long vowels, showing the tendency to mark all long vowels except for word-internal {{IPA|/aː/}}.<ref name="b6" /><ref group="nb">There are rare-cases of {{angle bracket|{{lang|hbo|א|rtl=yes}}}} being used medially as a true vowel letter, e.g. {{lang|hbo|דָּאג|rtl=yes}} for the usual {{lang|hbo|דָּג|rtl=yes}} 'fish'. Most cases, however, of {{angle bracket|א}} being used as a vowel letter are theorized to stem from conservative spelling of words which contained {{IPA|/ʔ/}}, e.g. {{lang|hbo|רֹאשׁ|rtl=yes}} ('head') from original {{IPA|*/raʔʃ/}}. See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=86}}. There are also a number of exceptions to the rule of marking other long vowels, e.g. when the following syllable contains a vowel letters (like in {{lang|hbo|קֹלֹוֹת|rtl=yes}} 'voices' rather than {{lang|hbo|קוֹלוֹת|rtl=yes}}) or when a vowel letter already marks a consonant (so {{lang|hbo|גּוֹיִם|rtl=yes}} 'nations' rather than *{{lang|hbo|גּוֹיִים|rtl=yes}}). See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=6}}</ref> In the Qumran tradition, back vowels are usually represented by {{angle bracket|{{lang|he|ו}}}} whether short or long.<ref name="tq1">{{Harvcoltxt|Tov|1992|pp=108–109}}</ref><ref name="sq">{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=136}}</ref> {{angle bracket|{{lang|he|י}}}} is generally used for both long {{IPA|[iː]}} and {{IPA|[eː]}} ({{lang|hbo|אבילים|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|מית|rtl=yes}}), and final {{IPA|[iː]}} is often written as {{lang|he|יא-}} in analogy to words like {{lang|hbo|היא|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|הביא|rtl=yes}}, e.g. {{lang|hbo|כיא|rtl=yes}}, sometimes {{lang|he|מיא}}.<ref name="tq1" /><ref name="sq" /> {{angle bracket|{{lang|he|ה}}}} is found finally in forms like {{lang|he|חוטה}} (Tiberian {{lang|he|חוטא}}), {{lang|he|קורה}} (Tiberian {{lang|he|קורא}}) while {{angle bracket|א}} may be used for an a-quality vowel in final position (e.g. {{lang|he|עליהא}}) and in medial position (e.g. {{lang|he|יאתום}}).<ref name="tq1" /> Pre-Samaritan and Samaritan texts show full spellings in many categories (e.g. {{lang|he|כוחי}} vs. Masoretic {{lang|he|כחי}} in Genesis 49:3) but only rarely show full spelling of the Qumran type.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Tov|1992|pp=96–97}}</ref>

Presumably, the vowels of Biblical Hebrew were not indicated in the original text, but various sources attest to them at various stages of development. Greek and Latin transcriptions of words from the biblical text provide early evidence of the nature of Biblical Hebrew vowels. In particular, there is evidence from the rendering of proper nouns in the [[Social:Koine Greek|Koine Greek]] Septuagint (3rd–2nd centuries&nbsp;BCE<ref name="Jobes and Silva">{{Harvcoltxt|Jobes|Silva|2001}}</ref>) and the Greek alphabet transcription of the Hebrew biblical text contained in the [[Religion:Secunda (Hexapla)|Secunda]] (3rd century&nbsp;CE, likely a copy of a preexisting text from before 100&nbsp;BCE<ref group="nb">The [[Religion:Secunda (Hexapla)|Secunda]] is a transliteration of the Hebrew biblical text contained in the [[Religion:Hexapla|Hexapla]], a recension of the Old Testament compiled by [[Biography:Origen|Origen]] in the 3rd century&nbsp;CE. There is evidence that the text of the Secunda was written before 100&nbsp;BCE, despite the later date of the Hexapla. For example, by the time of Origen {{angbr|η, αι}} were pronounced {{IPA|[iː, ɛː]}}, a merger which had already begun around 100&nbsp;BCE, while in the Secunda they are used to represent Hebrew {{IPA|/eː aj/}}. See {{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|pp=14}}</ref>). In the 7th and 8th centuries&nbsp;CE various systems of vocalic notation were developed to indicate vowels in the biblical text.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|p=5}}</ref> The most prominent, best preserved, and the only system still in use, is the Tiberian vocalization system, created by scholars known as Masoretes around 850 CE.<ref name="b7">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=7}}</ref><ref name="rvoc" /> There are also various extant manuscripts making use of less common vocalization systems (Babylonian and Palestinian), known as ''superlinear vocalizations'' because their vocalization marks are placed above the letters.<ref name="b7" /><ref name="rvoc" /><ref group="nb">The Palestinian system has two main subtypes and shows great variation. {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=7}} The Babylonian vocalization occurred in two main types (simple / ''einfach'' and complex / ''kompliziert''), with various subgroups differing as to their affinity with the Tiberian tradition. {{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=97–99}}</ref><ref group="nb">In the Babylonian and Palestinian systems only the most important vowels were written. See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=118}}</ref> In addition, the [[Unsolved:Samaritan Hebrew|Samaritan]] reading tradition is independent of these systems and was occasionally notated with a separate vocalization system.<ref name="rvoc">{{Harvcoltxt|Rendsburg|1997|pp=68–69}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|p=6}}</ref><ref group="nb">Almost all vocalized manuscripts use the Masoretic Text. However, there are some vocalized Samaritan manuscripts from the Middle Ages. See {{Harvcoltxt|Tov|1992|p=40}}</ref> These systems often record vowels at different stages of historical development; for example, the name of the Judge Samson is recorded in Greek as Σαμψών ''Sampsōn'' with the first vowel as {{IPA|/a/}}, while Tiberian {{lang|hbo|שִמְשוֹן|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ʃimʃon/}} with {{IPA|/i/}} shows the effect of the law of attenuation whereby {{IPA|/a/}} in closed unstressed syllables became {{IPA|/i/}}.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=25}}</ref> All of these systems together are used to reconstruct the original vocalization of Biblical Hebrew.

At an early stage, in documents written in the paleo-Hebrew script, words were divided by short vertical lines and later by dots, as reflected by the Mesha Stone, the Siloam inscription, the Ophel inscription, and paleo-Hebrew script documents from Qumran.<ref name="tsp" /> Word division was not used in Phoenician inscriptions; however, there is no direct evidence for biblical texts being written without word division, as suggested by Nahmanides in his introduction to the Torah.<ref name="tsp" /> Word division using spaces was commonly used from the beginning of the 7th century&nbsp;BCE for documents in the Aramaic script.<ref name="tsp">{{Harvcoltxt|Tov|1992|pp=208–209}}</ref> In addition to marking vowels, the Tiberian system also uses cantillation marks, which serve to mark word stress, semantic structure, and the musical motifs used in formal recitation of the text.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=7,143}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Yeivin|1980|pp=157–158}}</ref>

While the Babylonian and Palestinian reading traditions are extinct, various other systems of pronunciation have evolved over time, notably the Yemenite, Sephardi, Ashkenazi, and Samaritan traditions. [[Social:Modern Hebrew|Modern Hebrew]] pronunciation is also used by some to read biblical texts. The modern reading traditions do not stem solely from the Tiberian system; for instance, the Sephardic tradition's distinction between qamatz gadol and qatan is likely pre-Tiberian.<ref name="length">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=110–111}}</ref> However, the only orthographic system used to mark vowels is the Tiberian vocalization.

== Phonology ==
The phonology as reconstructed for Biblical Hebrew is as follows:

=== Consonants ===

{| class="wikitable mw-collapsible" style="text-align: center;"
|+ Biblical Hebrew consonants<ref name="b69">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=69}}</ref><ref name="r">{{Harvcoltxt|Rendsburg|1997|pp=70–73}}</ref>
|-
! colspan="2" rowspan="2" |
! rowspan="2" | Labial
! colspan="3" | Coronal
! rowspan="2" | Post-<br>alveolar
! rowspan="2" | Velar
! rowspan="2" | Uvular
! rowspan="2" | Pharyngeal
! rowspan="2" | Glottal
|-
! <small>Dental</small>
!<small>Alveolar</small>
!<small>Lateral</small>
|-
! colspan="2" | Nasals
| {{IPAlink|m}}
| colspan="2" | {{IPAlink|n}}
|
|
|
|
|
|
|-
! rowspan="3" | Stops
!<small>voiceless</small>
| {{IPAlink|p}}
| colspan="2" | {{IPAlink|t}}
|
|
| {{IPAlink|k}}
|{{IPAlink|q}}
|
| {{IPA link|ʔ}}
|-
!<small>voiced</small>
|{{IPAlink|b}}
| colspan="2" |{{IPAlink|d}}
|
|
|{{IPAlink|ɡ}}
|
|
|
|-
!<small>emphatic</small>
|
| colspan="2" |{{IPAlink|tˤ}}<ref name="b69" /><ref name="r" />
|
|
|
|
|
|
|-
! rowspan="3" | Fricatives
! <small>voiceless</small>
| style=";" text-align: center;" | ɸ{{Sup|2}}
|| {{IPAlink|θ}}{{Sup|2}}
| {{IPAlink|s}}
|{{IPAlink|ɬ}}{{Sup|1}}
| {{IPAlink|ʃ}}
|| {{IPAlink|x}}{{Sup|2}}
| | {{IPAlink|χ}}{{Sup|1}}
| {{IPAlink|ħ}}
| {{IPA link|h}}
|-
!<small>voiced</small>
|{{IPAlink|β|β}}{{Sup|2}}
|{{IPAlink|ð}}{{Sup|2}}
|{{IPAlink|z}}
|
|
|{{IPAlink|ɣ}}{{Sup|2}}'''<ref name="b69" /><ref name="r" />'''
|{{IPAlink|ʁ}}{{Sup|1}}''<ref name="b69" />''
|{{IPAlink|ʕ}}
|
|-
!<small>emphatic</small>
|
| colspan="2" |{{IPAlink|sˤ}}<ref name="b69" />
|
|
|
|
|
|
|-
! colspan="2" |Approximants
|{{IPAlink|w}}/{{IPAlink|ʋ|ʋ}}
| colspan="2" |
|{{IPAlink|l}}
|{{IPAlink|j}}
|
|
|
|
|-
! colspan="2" | Trill
|
| colspan="2" | {{IPAlink|r}}
|
|
|
|
|
|
|}

#Consonants '''lost''' during the lifetime of Biblical Hebrew.
#Consonants '''gained''' during the lifetime of Biblical Hebrew

The phonetic nature of some Biblical Hebrew consonants is disputed. The so-called "emphatics" were likely pharyngealized, but possibly velarized.<ref name="b68">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=68}}</ref><ref name="r73" /> The pharyngealization of emphatic consonants is viewed as a Central Semitic innovation.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Hetzron|first=Robert|title=The Semitic Languages An International Handbook|publisher=De Gruyter Mouton|year=2011|isbn=978-3-11-018613-0|pages=1.3.1.3}}</ref>

Some argue that {{IPA|/s, z, sˤ/}} were affricated ({{IPA|/ts, dz, tsˤ/}}),<ref name="b68" /> but Egyptian starts using ''s'' in place of earlier ''ṯ'' to represent Canaanite ''s'' around 1000 BC. It is likely that Canaanite was already dialectally split by that time, and the northern Early Phoenician dialect that the Greeks were in contact with could have preserved the affricate pronunciation until {{circa|800 BC}} at least, unlike the more southern Canaanite dialects (like Hebrew) that the Egyptians were in contact with, so that there is no contradiction within this argument.

Originally, the Hebrew letters {{angbr|{{lang|hbo|ח}}}} and {{angbr|{{lang|hbo|ע}}}} each represented two possible phonemes, uvular and pharyngeal, with the distinction unmarked in Hebrew orthography. However the uvular phonemes {{IPA|/χ/}} {{lang|hbo|ח|rtl=yes}} and {{IPA|/ʁ/}} {{lang|hbo|ע|rtl=yes}} merged with their pharyngeal counterparts {{IPA|/ħ/}} {{lang|hbo|ח|rtl=yes}} and {{IPA|/ʕ/}} {{lang|hbo|ע|rtl=yes}} respectively c. 200&nbsp;BCE.
{{Clear}}This is observed by noting the preservation of the double phonemes of each letter in one Sephardic reading tradition, and by noting that these phonemes are distinguished consistently in the Septuagint of the Pentateuch (e.g. Isaac {{lang|he|יצחק|rtl=yes}} {{lang|he-Latn|Yīṣ'''ḥ'''āq}} = {{lang|grc|Ἰσαάκ}} versus Rachel {{lang|he|רחל|rtl=yes}} {{lang|he-Latn|Rā'''ḫ'''ēl}} = {{lang|grc|Ῥαχήλ}}), but this becomes more sporadic in later books and is generally absent in translations of Ezra and Nehemiah.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Rendsburg|1997|pp=73–74}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=56, 75–76}}</ref>

The phoneme {{IPA|/ɬ/}}, is also not directly indicated by Hebrew orthography but is clearly attested by later developments: It is written with {{angbr|{{lang|hbo|ש|rtl=yes}}}} (also used for {{IPA|/ʃ/}}) but later merged with {{IPA|/s/}} (normally indicated with {{angbr|{{lang|hbo|ס|rtl=yes}}}}). As a result, three etymologically distinct phonemes can be distinguished through a combination of spelling and pronunciation: {{IPA|/s/}} written {{angbr|{{lang|hbo|ס|rtl=yes}}}}, {{IPA|/ʃ/}} written {{angbr|{{lang|hbo|ש|rtl=yes}}}}, and {{IPA|/ś/}} (pronounced {{IPA|/ɬ/}} but written {{angbr|{{lang|hbo|ש|rtl=yes}}}}). The specific pronunciation of {{IPA|/ś/}} as {{IPA|[ɬ]}} is based on comparative evidence ({{IPA|/ɬ/}} is the corresponding Proto-Semitic phoneme and still attested in Modern South Arabian languages<ref name="b77">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=77}}</ref> as well as early borrowings (e.g. ''balsam'' < Greek ''balsamon'' < Hebrew ''baśam''). {{IPA|/ɬ/}} began merging with {{IPA|/s/}} in Late Biblical Hebrew, as indicated by interchange of orthographic {{angbr|{{lang|hbo|ש|rtl=yes}}}} and {{angbr|{{lang|hbo|ס|rtl=yes}}}}, possibly under the influence of Aramaic, and this became the rule in Mishnaic Hebrew.<ref name="b69" /><ref name="r73">{{Harvcoltxt|Rendsburg|1997|p=73}}</ref> In all Jewish reading traditions {{IPA|/ɬ/}} and {{IPA|/s/}} have merged completely; however in Samaritan Hebrew {{IPA|/ɬ/}} has instead merged with {{IPA|/ʃ/}}.<ref name="b69" />

Allophonic spirantization of {{IPA|/b ɡ d k p t/}} to {{IPA|[v ɣ ð x f θ]}} (known as begadkefat spirantization) developed sometime during the lifetime of Biblical Hebrew under the influence of Aramaic.<ref group="nb">Or perhaps Hurrian, but this is unlikely See {{Harvcoltxt|Dolgopolsky|1999|pp=72–3}}.</ref> This probably happened after the original Old Aramaic phonemes {{IPA|/θ, ð/}} disappeared in the 7th century&nbsp;BCE,<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Dolgopolsky|1999|p=72}}</ref> and most likely occurred after the loss of Hebrew {{IPA|/χ, ʁ/}} c. 200&nbsp;BCE.<ref group="nb">According to the generally accepted view, it is unlikely begadkefat spirantization occurred before the merger of {{IPA|/χ, ʁ/}} and {{IPA|/ħ, ʕ/}}, or else {{IPA|[x, χ]}} and {{IPA|[ɣ, ʁ]}} would have to be contrastive, which is cross-linguistically rare. However Blau argues that it is possible that lenited {{IPA|/k/}} and {{IPA|/χ/}} could coexist even if pronounced identically, since one would be recognized as an alternating allophone (as apparently is the case in Nestorian Syriac). See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=56}}.</ref> It is known to have occurred in Hebrew by the 2nd century&nbsp;CE.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Dolgopolsky|1999|p=73}}</ref> After a certain point this alternation became contrastive in word-medial and final position (though bearing low functional load), but in word-initial position they remained allophonic.<ref name="bbgd">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=78–81}}</ref> This is evidenced both by the Tiberian vocalization's consistent use of word-initial spirants after a vowel in sandhi, as well as Rabbi [[Biography:Saadia Gaon|Saadia Gaon]]'s attestation to the use of this alternation in Tiberian Aramaic at the beginning of the 10th century&nbsp;CE.<ref name="bbgd" />

The Dead Sea scrolls show evidence of confusion of the phonemes {{IPA|/ħ ʕ h ʔ/}}, e.g. {{lang|hbo|חמר|rtl=yes}} ''ħmr'' for Masoretic {{lang|hbo|אָמַר|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ʔɔˈmar/}} 'he said'.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=137–138}}</ref> However the testimony of Jerome indicates that this was a regionalism and not universal.<ref name="sgut"/> Confusion of gutturals was also attested in later Mishnaic Hebrew and Aramaic (see Eruvin 53b). In Samaritan Hebrew, {{IPA|/ʔ ħ h ʕ/}} have generally all merged, either into {{IPA|/ʔ/}}, a glide {{IPA|/w/}} or {{IPA|/j/}}, or by vanishing completely (often creating a long vowel), except that original {{IPA|/ʕ ħ/}} sometimes have reflex {{IPA|/ʕ/}} before {{IPA|/a ɒ/}}.<ref name="samgut"/>

Geminate consonants are phonemically contrastive in Biblical Hebrew. In the Secunda {{IPA|/w j z/}} are never geminate.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|p=43}}</ref> In the Tiberian tradition {{IPA|/ħ ʕ h ʔ r/}} cannot be geminate; historically first {{IPA|/r ʔ/}} degeminated, followed by {{IPA|/ʕ/}}, {{IPA|/h/}}, and finally {{IPA|/ħ/}}, as evidenced by changes in the quality of the preceding vowel.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=82–83}}</ref><ref group="nb">The vowel before originally geminate {{IPA|/r ʔ/}} usually shows compensatory lengthening, e.g. {{lang|hbo|הָאָב|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/hɔˈʔɔv/}} 'the father' < {{IPA|/*haʔːab/}}; with {{IPA|/ʕ/}} preceding {{IPA|/*i/}} tends to remain short; with {{IPA|/h/}} original {{IPA|/*a/}} also remains short, and {{IPA|/ħ/}} generally does not cause compensatory lengthening, e.g. {{lang|hbo|יְרַחֵם|rtl=yes}} ('he will have compassion'). See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=81–83}}</ref>
{| class="wikitable mw-collapsible"
|+Hebrew consonant correspondences
! rowspan="3" |Proto-Semitic
! colspan="4" |Language
|-
! colspan="2" |[[Social:Hebrew language|Hebrew]]
! rowspan="2" |Aramaic
! rowspan="2" |[[Social:Modern Standard Arabic|Arabic]]
|-
!<small>Jewish</small>
!<small>[[Unsolved:Samaritan Hebrew|Samaritanּ]]</small>
|-
!{{IPA|*/p/}}
|{{IPA|*/ɸ/}} <small>(normally)</small> פף
{{IPA|*/p/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> פּ
|{{IPA|*/f/}} ࠐ
|{{IPA|*/ɸ/}} <small>(normally)</small> פף
{{IPA|*/p/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> פּ
|{{IPA|*/f/}} ف
|-
!{{IPA|*/b/}}
|{{IPA|*/β/}} <small>(normally)</small> ב
{{IPA|*/b/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> בּ
|{{IPA|*/b/}} ࠁ
|{{IPA|*/β/}} <small>(normally)</small> ב
{{IPA|*/b/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> בּ
|{{IPA|*/b/}} ب
|-
!{{IPA|*/t/}}
|{{IPA|*/θ/}} <small>(normally)</small> ת
{{IPA|*/t/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> תּ
|{{IPA|*/t/}} ࠕ
|{{IPA|*/θ/}} <small>(normally)</small> ת
{{IPA|*/t/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> תּ
|{{IPA|*/t/}} ت
|-
!{{IPA|*/θ/}} ṯ
| colspan="2" rowspan="2" |{{IPA|*/ʃ/}} שׁ, ࠔ
|{{IPA|*/θ/}} שׁ
|{{IPA|*/θ/}} ث
|-
!{{IPA|*/ʃ/}} š
|{{IPA|*/ʃ/}} שׁ
|{{IPA|*/s/}} س
|-
!{{IPA|*/ɬ/}} ś
|{{IPA|*/s/}} שׂ
|{{IPA|*/ʃ/}} ࠔ
|{{IPA|*/s/}} שׂ
|{{IPA|*/ʃ/}} ش
|-
!{{IPA|*/θˤ/}} ṯ̣
| colspan="2" rowspan="3" |{{IPA|*/sˤ/}} צץ, ࠑ
|{{IPA|*/tˤ/}} ט
|{{IPA|*/ðˤ/}} ظ
|-
!{{IPA|*/sˤ/}} ṣ
|{{IPA|*/sˤ/}} צץ
|{{IPA|*/sˤ/}} ص
|-
!{{IPA|*/ɬˤ/}} ṣ́
|{{IPA|*/ʕ/}} {{lang|arc-Hebr|ע|rtl=yes}}
|{{IPA|*/dˤ/}} ض
|-
!{{IPA|*/d/}}
|{{IPA|*/ð/}} <small>(normally)</small> ד
{{IPA|*/d/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> דּ
|{{IPA|*/d/}} ࠃ
|{{IPA|*/ð/}} <small>(normally)</small> ד
{{IPA|*/d/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> דּ
|{{IPA|*/d/}} د
|-
!{{IPA|*/ð/}} ḏ
| colspan="2" |{{IPA|*/z/}} ז, ࠆ
|{{IPA|*/ð/}} ז
|{{IPA|*/ð/}} ذ
|-
!{{IPA|*/k/}}
|{{IPA|*/x/}} <small>(normally)</small> כך
{{IPA|*/k/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> כּ
|{{IPA|*/k/}} ࠊ
|{{IPA|*/x/}} <small>(normally)</small> כך
{{IPA|*/k/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> כּ
|{{IPA|*/k/}} ك
|-
!{{IPA|*/χ/}} ḫ
| rowspan="2" |{{IPA|*/ħ/}} {{lang|hbo|ח|rtl=yes}}
| rowspan="2" |''silent'' <small>(normally)</small> ࠇ
{{IPA|*/ʔ~ʕ/}} <small>(syllable-initially)</small> ࠇ
| rowspan="2" |{{IPA|*/ħ/}} {{lang|arc-Hebr|ח|rtl=yes}}
|{{IPA|*/χ/}} {{lang|ar|خ|rtl=yes}}
|-
!{{IPA|*/ħ/}} ḥ
|{{IPA|*/ħ/}} {{lang|ar|ح|rtl=yes}}
|-
!{{IPA|*/g/}} 
|{{IPA|*/ɣ/}} <small>(normally)</small> ג
{{IPA|*/g/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> גּ
|{{IPA|*/g/}} ࠂ
|{{IPA|*/ɣ/}} <small>(normally)</small> ג
{{IPA|*/g/}} <small>(syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated)</small> גּ
|{{IPA|*/d͡ʒ/}} ج
|-
!{{IPA|*/ʁ/}} ġ
| rowspan="2" |{{IPA|*/ʕ/}} {{lang|hbo|ע|rtl=yes}}
| rowspan="2" |''silent'' <small>(normally)</small> ࠏ
{{IPA|*/ʔ~ʕ/}} <small>(syllable-initially)</small> ࠏ
| rowspan="2" |{{IPA|*/ʕ/}} {{lang|arc-Hebr|ע|rtl=yes}}
|{{IPA|*/ʁ/}} {{lang|ar|غ|rtl=yes}}
|-
!{{IPA|*/ʕ/}} ʻ
|{{IPA|*/ʕ/}} {{lang|ar|ع|rtl=yes}}
|-
!{{IPA|*/w/}}
|{{IPA|*/w ~ ʋ/}} <small>(normally)</small> ו
{{IPA|*/j/}} <small>(word-initially, except in ו- "and")</small> י
|{{IPA|*/b/}} <small>(normally)</small> ࠅ
{{IPA|*/j/}} <<small>(word-initially, except in ࠅ- "and")</small> ࠉ
|{{IPA|*/w/}} ו
|{{IPA|*/w/}} و
|}

=== Vowels ===
The vowel system of Hebrew has changed considerably over time. The following vowels are those reconstructed for the earliest stage of Hebrew, those attested by the Secunda, those of the various vocalization traditions (Tiberian and varieties of Babylonian and Palestinian), and those of the Samaritan tradition, with vowels <span style="background:#BBDDEE;padding:0px 2px;">absent</span> in some traditions color-coded.
{|
! style="width:25%" | Proto-Hebrew<ref name="david">{{Harvcoltxt|Steinberg|2010}}</ref> <!-- possible to find a written source? -->
! style="width:10%" | Biblical Hebrew<ref name="david" />
! style="width:25%" | Secunda Hebrew<ref name="j54">{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|p=54}}</ref>
! style="width:25%" | Tiberian, Babylonian, and Palestinian Hebrew<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=105–106, 115–119}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=88–89, 97, 110}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sperber|1959|pp=77,81}}</ref>
! style="width:25%" | Samaritan Hebrew<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|pp=43–44, 48}}</ref>
|-
| align="center" |
{|class="wikitable"
!
! Front
! Back
|-
! Close
| align=center | {{IPAlink|i}} {{IPAlink|iː}}
| align=center | {{IPAlink|u}} {{IPAlink|uː}}
|-
! Close-mid
| align=center | ({{IPAlink|eː}})
| align=center | {{IPAlink|oː}}
|-
! Open
| align=center colspan=2 | {{IPAlink|a}} {{IPAlink|aː}}
|}
|
{| class="wikitable"
!
! Front
! Back
|-
! Close
| align="center" | {{IPAlink|i}}{{Superscript|1}} {{IPAlink|iː}}
| align="center" | {{IPAlink|u}}{{Superscript|2}} {{IPAlink|uː}}
|-
! Close-mid
| align="center" | {{IPAlink|eː}}{{Superscript|3}}
| align="center" | {{IPAlink|oː}}
|-
! Open
| colspan="2" align="center" | {{IPAlink|a}}{{Superscript|4}} {{IPAlink|aː}}{{Superscript|5}}
|}
| align="center" |
{|class="wikitable"
!
! Front
! Back
|-
! Close
| align=center | {{IPAlink|iː}}
| align=center | {{IPAlink|uː}}
|-
! Close-mid
| align=center | {{IPAlink|e}} {{IPAlink|eː}}
| align=center | {{IPAlink|o}} {{IPAlink|oː}}
|-
! Open
| align=center colspan=2 | {{IPAlink|a}}<sup>1</sup> {{IPAlink|aː}}
|-
! Reduced
| align=center colspan=2 | {{IPAlink|ə}}
|}
| align="center" |
{|class="wikitable"
!
! Front
! Back
|-
! Close
| align=center | {{IPAlink|i}}
| align=center | {{IPAlink|u}}
|-
! Close-mid
| align=center | {{IPAlink|e}}
| align=center | {{IPAlink|o}}
|-
! Open-mid
| align=center style="background:#BBDDEE" | {{IPAlink|ɛ}}<sup>1</sup>
| align=center style="background:#BBDDEE" | {{IPAlink|ɔ}}<sup>2</sup>
|-
! Open
| align=center colspan=2 | {{IPAlink|a}}
|-
! Reduced
| align=center colspan=2 style="background:#BBDDEE" | {{IPA|ă}}<sup>3</sup> {{IPAlink|ɔ̆}}<sup>3</sup> ({{IPAlink|ɛ̆}})<sup>3</sup><br />{{IPAlink|ə}}<sup>3</sup>
|}
| align="center" |
{|class="wikitable"
!
! Front
! Back
|-
! Close
| align=center | {{IPAlink|i}} {{IPAlink|iː}}
| align=center | {{IPAlink|u}} {{IPAlink|uː}}
|-
! Mid
| align=center | {{IPAlink|e}} {{IPAlink|eː}}
| align=center | ({{IPAlink|o}})<sup>1</sup>
|-
! Open
| align=center | {{IPAlink|a}} {{IPAlink|aː}}
| align=center | {{IPAlink|ɒ}} {{IPAlink|ɒː}}
|-
! Reduced
| colspan=2 align=center | ({{IPAlink|ə}})<sup>2</sup>
|}
|- valign="top"
|
|{{Small|possible allophones}}
# {{Small|/i/ – [i] [ɪ] [ẹ/ɛ]}}
# {{Small|/u/ – [o̞] [o] [ʊ] [u]}}
# {{Small|/eː/ – [ẹː] [ɛː]}}
# {{Small|/a/ – [ɛ] [a] [ɐ]}}
# {{Small|/aː/ – [aː] [ɐː]}}
|
#{{small|possibly pronounced {{IPA|[æ]}}, as the orthography alternates {{angle bracket|α}} and {{angle bracket|ε}}<ref name="j173">{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|p=173}}</ref><!-- add ref -->}}
|
#{{small|merges with {{IPA|/e/}} in the Palestinian tradition and with {{IPA|/a/}} in the Babylonian tradition}}<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=112}}</ref><ref name="b118-119">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=118–119}}</ref><ref name="seph" group="nb">In this respect the Palestinian tradition corresponds to the modern Sephardi pronunciation, and the Babylonian tradition to the modern Yemenite pronunciation.</ref><ref group="nb">While the vowels {{IPA|/a e i ɔ o u/}} certainly have phonemic status in the Tiberian tradition, {{IPA|/ɛ/}} has phonemic value in final stressed position but in other positions it may reflect loss of the opposition {{IPA|/a ː i/}}. See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=111–112}}</ref>
#{{small|merges with {{IPA|/a/}} or {{IPA|/o/}} in the Palestinian tradition}}<ref name="b118-119" /><ref name="seph" group="nb" /><ref name="y16">{{Harvcoltxt|Yahalom|1997|p=16}}</ref>
#{{small|The Tiberian tradition has the reduced vowel phonemes {{IPA|/ă ɔ̆/}} and marginal {{IPA|/ɛ̆/}}, while Palestinian and Babylonian have one, {{IPA|/ə/}} (pronounced as {{IPA|[ɛ]}} in later Palestinian Hebrew)}}
|
#{{small|{{IPA|/u/}} and {{IPA|/o/}} only contrast in open post-tonic syllables, e.g. {{lang|hbo|ידו|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/jedu/}} ('his hand') {{lang|hbo|ידיו|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/jedo/}} ('his hands'), where {{IPA|/o/}} stems from a contracted diphthong.<ref name="bhou">{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|pp=44, 48–49}}</ref> In other environments, {{IPA|/o/}} appears in closed syllables and {{IPA|/u/}} in open syllables, e.g. {{lang|hbo|דור|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/dor/}} {{lang|hbo|דורות|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/durot/}}.<ref name="bhou" />}}
#{{small|results from both {{IPA|/i/}} and {{IPA|/e/}} in closed post-tonic syllables<ref name="bh49">{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|p=49}}</ref>}}
|}

==== Sound changes ====

The following sections present the vowel changes that Biblical Hebrew underwent, in approximate chronological order.

===== Proto-Central-Semitic =====
Proto-Semitic is the ancestral language of all the Semitic languages, and in traditional reconstructions possessed 29 consonants; 6 monophthong vowels, consisting of three qualities and two lengths, {{IPA|*/a aː i iː u uː/}}, in which the long vowels occurred only in open syllables; and two diphthongs {{IPA|*/aj aw/}}.<ref name="b111">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=111}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=151}}</ref> The stress system of Proto-Semitic is unknown but it is commonly described as being much like the system of Classical Latin or the modern pronunciation of [[Social:Classical Arabic|Classical Arabic]]: If the penultimate (second last) syllable is light (has a short vowel followed by a single consonant), stress goes on the antepenult (third to last); otherwise, it goes on the penult.

Various changes, mostly in morphology, took place between Proto-Semitic and Proto-Central-Semitic, the language at the root of the Central Semitic languages. The phonemic system was inherited essentially unchanged, but the emphatic consonants may have changed their realization in Central Semitic from ejectives to pharyngealized consonants.

The morphology of Proto-Central-Semitic shows significant changes compared with Proto-Semitic, especially in its verbs, and is much like in [[Social:Classical Arabic|Classical Arabic]]. Nouns in the singular were usually declined in three cases: /-u/ (nominative), /-a/ (accusative) or /-i/ (genitive). In some circumstances (but never in the construct state), nouns also took a final nasal after the case ending: ''nunation'' (final /-n/) occurred in some languages, ''mimation'' (final /-m/) in others. The original meaning of this marker is uncertain. In Classical Arabic, final /-n/ on nouns indicates indefiniteness and disappears when the noun is preceded by a definite article or otherwise becomes definite in meaning. In other languages, final /-n/ may be present whenever a noun is not in the construct state. Old Canaanite had mimation, of uncertain meaning, in an occurrence of the word ''urušalemim'' ([[Place:Jerusalem|Jerusalem]]) as given in an Egyptian transcription.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=267}}</ref>

Broken plural forms in Arabic are declined like singulars, and often take singular agreement as well. Dual and "strong plural" forms use endings with a long vowel or diphthong, declined in only two cases: nominative and objective (combination accusative/genitive), with the objective form often becoming the default one after the loss of case endings. Both Hebrew and Arabic had a special form of nunation/mimation that co-occurred with the dual and masculine sound plural endings whenever the noun was not in the construct state. The endings were evidently felt as an inherent part of the ending and, as a result, are still used. Examples are Arabic strong masculine plural ''-ūna'' (nominative), ''-īna'' (objective), and dual endings ''-āni'' (nominative), ''-ayni'' (objective); corresponding construct-state endings are ''-ū, -ī'' (strong masculine plural), ''-ā, -ay'' (dual). (The strong feminine endings in Classical Arabic are ''-ātu'' nominative, ''-āti'' objective, marked with a singular-style ''-n'' nunation in the indefinite state only.)

If Hebrew had at some point had the broken plural, any vestigial forms that may remain have been extended with the strong plural endings. The dual and strong plural endings were likely much like the Arabic forms given above at one point, with only the objective-case forms ultimately surviving. For example, dual ''-ayim'' is probably from ''*-aymi'' with an extended mimation ending (cf. Arabic ''-ayni'' above), while dual construct ''-ē'' is from ''*-ay'' without mimation. Similarly, ''-īm'' < ''*-īma'', ''-ōt'' < ''*-āti''. (Expected plural construct state ''*-ī'' was replaced by dual ''-ē''.)

Feminine nouns at this point ended in a suffix /-at-/ or /-t-/ in case endings. When the ending was final because of loss or non-presence of the case ending, it is replaced with/-ah/ and then {{IPA|/-aː/}} in both Hebrew and Arabic. The final /t/ consonant therefore is silent in the absolute state, but becomes /t/ again in the construct state and when these words take suffixes, e.g. תֹורָה /toːraː/ "law" becomes תֹורַת /toːrat/ "law of", and תֹורָתְךָ /toːraːtəxaː/ "your law", etc. (This is equivalent to the Arabic letter Tāʼ Marbūṭah ة, a modified final form of the letter He ه which indicates this same phoneme shifting, and only its pronunciation varies between construct and absolute state.)

===== Potential Canaanite shift =====
Hebrew shows certain aspects of the Canaanite shift whereby {{IPA|*/aː/}} often shifted to {{IPA|/oː/}}; the conditions of this shift are disputed.<ref name="Blau 2010 136-137"/><ref group="nb">In fact, its scope of application is different in Samaritan and Tiberian Hebrew (e.g. {{lang|hbo|פה|rtl=yes}} 'here' Tiberian {{IPA|/po/}} vs. Samaritan {{IPA|/fa/}}), see {{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|pp=83–86}}. Even in Tiberian Hebrew doublets are found, e.g. {{IPA|/kʼanːo(ʔ?)/}} = {{IPA|/kʼanːɔ(ʔ?)/}} ('zealous'). See {{Harvcoltxt|Steiner|1997|p=147}}</ref> This shift had occurred by the 14th century&nbsp;BCE, as demonstrated by its presence in the Amarna letters ({{circa|1365&nbsp;BCE}}).<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Steiner|1997|p=147}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|LaSor|1978|loc=Part 2, §14.11}}</ref>

===== Proto-Hebrew =====
As a result of the Canaanite shift, the Proto-Hebrew vowel system is reconstructed as {{IPA|*/a aː oː i iː u uː/}} (and possibly rare {{IPA|*/eː/}}).<ref name="david" /> Furthermore, stress at this point appears to have shifted so that it was consistently on the penultimate (next to last) syllable, and was still non-phonemic. The predominant final stress of Biblical Hebrew was a result of loss of final unstressed vowels and a shift away from remaining open syllables (see below).

===== Loss of final unstressed vowels =====
Final unstressed short vowels dropped out in most words, making it possible for long vowels to occur in closed syllables.
This appears to have proceeded in two steps:
#Final short mood, etc. markers dropped in verbal forms.
#Final short case markers dropped in nominal forms.
Vowel lengthening in stressed, open syllables occurred ''between'' the two steps, with the result that short vowels at the beginning of a -VCV ending lengthened in nouns but not verbs. This is most noticeable with short {{IPA|/a/}}: e.g. ''*kataba'' ('he wrote') > {{IPA|/kɔˈθav/}} but ''*dabara'' ('word' acc.') > {{IPA|/dɔˈvɔr/}}.

The dropping of final short vowels in verb forms tended to erase mood distinctions, but also some gender distinctions; however, unexpected vowel lengthening occurred in many situations to preserve the distinctions. For example, in the suffix conjugation, first-singular *''-tu'' appears to have been remade into *''-tī'' already by Proto-Hebrew on the basis of possessive ''-ī'' (likewise first singular personal pronoun ''*ʔana'' became ''*ʔanī'').

Similarly, in the second-singular, inherited ''*-ta -ti'' competed with lengthened ''*-tā -tī'' for masculine and feminine forms. The expected result would be ''-t'' or ''-tā'' for masculine, ''-t'' or ''-tī'' for feminine, and in fact both variants of both forms are found in the Bible (with ''-h'' marking the long ''-ā'' and ''-y'' marking the long ''-ī''). The situation appears to have been quite fluid for several centuries, with ''-t'' and ''-tā/tī'' forms found in competition both in writing and in speech (cf. the [[Religion:Secunda (Hexapla)|Secunda (Hexapla)]] of [[Biography:Origen|Origen]], which records both pronunciations, although quite often in disagreement with the written form as passed down to us). Ultimately, writing stabilized on the shorter ''-t'' for both genders, while speech chose feminine ''-t'' but masculine ''-tā''. This is the reason for the unexpected qamatz vowel written under the final letter of such words.

The exact same process affected possessive ''*-ka'' ('your' masc. sing.) and ''*-ki'' ('your' fem. sing.), and personal pronouns ''*ʔanta, *ʔanti'', with the same split into shorter and longer forms and the same ultimate resolution.

===== Short vowel lengthening (esp. pretonic), lowering =====
The short vowels {{IPA|*/a i u/}} tended to lengthen in various positions.
*First, short vowels lengthened in an open syllable in pretonic position (i.e. directly before the stressed syllable).
*Later, short vowels lengthened in stressed open syllables.<ref name="Janssens 1982 56-57">{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|pp=56–57}}</ref><ref group="nb">Parallels to Aramaic syllable structure suggest pretonic lengthening may have occurred in the Second Temple period. See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=128–129}}</ref>
In the process of lengthening, the high vowels were lowered. In the Secunda, the lengthened reflexes of {{IPA|/a i u/}} are {{IPA|/aː eː oː/}}; when kept short they generally have reflexes {{IPA|/a e o/}}.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|pp=54, 118–120, 132}}</ref><ref group="nb">Long {{IPA|/aː eː oː/}} were written as {{angle bracket|α η ω}}, while short {{IPA|/a e o/}} were written {{angle bracket|α/ε ε ο}}. This length distinction is also found in the LXX. See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=110–111}}, {{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|p=54}}, and {{Harvcoltxt|Dolgopolsky|1999|p=14}}</ref><ref group="nb">In the Secunda {{IPA|/*a *i *u/}} are preserved as short in syllables closed by two consonants and in the third syllable before the stress. See {{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|pp=54, 58–59}}</ref>

===== Reduction of short open stressed syllables =====
Stressed open syllables with a short vowel (i.e. syllables consisting of a short vowel followed by a consonant and another vowel) had the vowel reduced to {{IPA|/ə/}} and the stressed moved one syllable later in the word (usually to the last syllable of the word).<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|pp=56–57}}.</ref> Presumably, stress was originally penultimate and loss of final short vowels made many words have final stress. However, in this case, words whose final syllable had a long vowel or ended with a consonant were unaffected and still had penultimate stress at this point except in pausal position, where the penultimate stress is preserved, and vowel lengthening rather than reduction occurs.

The previous three changes occurred in a complex, interlocking fashion:

# Shift of stress to be universally penultimate.
# Loss of final short vowels in verbs, pre-stress lengthening in open syllables. Pre-stress lengthening/lowering becomes a surface filter that remains as a rule in the language, automatically affected any new short vowels in open syllables as they appear (but ultra-short vowels are unaffected).
# Stress movement from light syllable to following heavy syllable when not in pausa, with newly unstressed light syllable reducing the schwa.
# Tonic lengthening/lowering in open syllables.
# Loss of final short vowels in nouns.

Examples:

{| class="wikitable nowrap"
|+ Possible derivation of some nominal/verbal forms
!
! 'killing/killer (masc. sg.)'
! 'he killed'
! 'she killed'
! 'they killed'
! 'they killed' (pausa)
! 'you (masc. sg.) kill'
! 'you (fem. sg.) kill'
|-
! Proto-Central-Semitic
| {{IPA|*ˈqaːṭilu}}
| {{IPA|*ˈqaṭala}}
| {{IPA|*ˈqaṭalat}}
| {{IPA|*ˈqaṭaluː}}
| {{IPA|*ˈqaṭaluː}}
| {{IPA|*ˈtaqṭulu}}
| {{IPA|*taqṭuˈliː(na)}}
|-
! Pre-Hebrew
| {{IPA|*ˈqaːṭilu}}
| {{IPA|*ˈqaṭala}}
| {{IPA|*ˈqaṭalat}}
| {{IPA|*ˈqaṭaluː}}
| {{IPA|*ˈqaṭaluː}}
| {{IPA|*ˈtaqṭulu}}
| {{IPA|*ˈtaqṭuliː}}
|-
! Canaanite shift
| {{IPA|*ˈqoːṭilu}}
| —
| —
| —
| —
| —
| —
|-
|-
! Penultimate stress
| {{IPA|*qoːˈṭilu}}
| {{IPA|*qaˈṭala}}
| {{IPA|*qaˈṭalat}}
| {{IPA|*qaˈṭaluː}}
| {{IPA|*qaˈṭaluː}}
| {{IPA|*taqˈṭulu}}
| {{IPA|*taqˈṭuliː}}
|-
! Final short vowel loss (verb)
| —
| {{IPA|*qaˈṭal}}
| —
| —
| —
| {{IPA|*taqˈṭul}}
| —
|-
! Pre-tonic lengthening
| —
| {{IPA|*qaːˈṭal}}
| {{IPA|*qaːˈṭalat}}
| {{IPA|*qaːˈṭaluː}}
| {{IPA|*qaːˈṭaluː}}
| —
| —
|-
! Stress shift / de-stressed reduction
| —
| —
| {{IPA|*qaːṭəˈlat}}
| {{IPA|*qaːṭəˈluː}}
| —
| —
| {{IPA|*taqṭəˈliː}}
|-
! Tonic lengthening/lowering
| {{IPA|*qoːˈṭeːlu}}
| —
| —
| —
| {{IPA|*qaːˈṭaːluː}}
| —
| —
|-
! Final short vowel loss (noun)
| {{IPA|*qoːˈṭeːl}}
| —
| —
| —
| —
| —
| —
|-
! Feminine {{IPA|/-at/}} > {{IPA|/aː/}}
| —
| —
| {{IPA|*qaːṭəˈlaː}}
| —
| —
| —
| —
|-
! Short vowel lowering
| —
| —
| —
| —
| —
| {{IPA|*taqˈṭol}}
| —
|-
! Law of attenuation
| —
| —
| —
| —
| —
| {{IPA|*tiqˈṭol}}
| {{IPA|*tiqṭəˈliː}}
|-
! Tiberian {{IPA|/aː/}} > {{IPA|/ɔː/}}
| {{IPA|*qoːˈṭeːl}}
| {{IPA|*qɔːˈṭal}}
| {{IPA|*qɔːṭəˈlɔː}}
| {{IPA|*qɔːṭəˈluː}}
| {{IPA|*qɔːˈṭɔːluː}}
| —
| —
|-
! Loss of phonemic vowel length; attested Tiberian form
| {{IPA|qoˈṭel}}
| {{IPA|qɔˈṭal}}
| {{IPA|qɔṭəˈlɔ}}
| {{IPA|qɔṭəˈlu}}
| {{IPA|qɔˈṭɔlu}}
| {{IPA|tiqˈṭol}}
| {{IPA|tiqṭəˈli}}
|}

Many, perhaps most, Hebrew words with a schwa directly before a final stress are due to this stress shift.

This sound change shifted many more originally penultimate-stressed words to have final stress. The above changes can be seen to divide words into a number of main classes based on stress and syllable properties:

# Proto-Hebrew words with an open penult and short-vowel ending: Become final-stressed (e.g. {{IPA|/qɔˈṭal/}} ('he killed') <  PHeb. {{IPA|/qaˈṭala/}}).
# Proto-Hebrew words with a closed penult and short-vowel ending: Become penultimate due to segholate rule (e.g. {{IPA|/ˈmɛlɛx/}} ('king') < {{IPA|*/malku/}}).
# Proto-Hebrew words with an open short penult and longer ending: Become final-stressed due to stress shift (e.g. {{IPA|/qɔṭəˈlu/}} ('they killed') <  PHeb. {{IPA|/qaˈṭaluː/}}).
# Proto-Hebrew words with a closed penult and longer ending: Remain penultimate (e.g. {{IPA|/qɔˈṭalti/}} ('I killed') <  PHeb. {{IPA|/qaˈṭaltiː/}}).
# Proto-Hebrew words with an open long penult and longer ending: ???

===== Pre-stress reduction of short vowel =====
{{IPA|*/a i u/}} were reduced to {{IPA|/ə/}} in the second syllable before the stress,<ref name="j54" /> and occasionally reduced rather than lengthened in pretonic position, especially when initial (e.g. σεμω = {{lang|hbo|שמו|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ʃəˈmo/}} 'his name').<ref name="j120">{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|p=120}}</ref><ref group="nb">The Secunda also has a few cases of pretonic gemination. See {{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|p=119}}.</ref> Thus the vowel system of the Secunda was {{IPA|/a e eː iː o oː uː ə/}}.<ref name="j54" />

===== Later developments =====
The later Jewish traditions (Tiberian, Babylonian, Palestinian) show similar vowel developments. By the Tiberian time, all short vowels in stressed syllables and open pretonic lengthened, making vowel length allophonic.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Steiner|1997|p=149}}</ref><ref group="nb">In fact, first all stressed vowels were lengthened in pause, see {{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|pp=58–59}}. This can be seen by forms like Tiberian {{lang|hbo|כַּף|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/kaf/}} < {{IPA|*/kaf/}}, pausal {{lang|hbo|כָּף|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/kɔf/}} < {{IPA|*/kɔːf/}} < {{IPA|*/kaːf/}} < {{IPA|*/kaf/}}. The shift in Tiberian Hebrew of {{IPA|*/aː/}} > {{IPA|*/ɔː/}} occurred after this lengthening, but before the loss of phonemicity of length (since words like {{lang|hbo|ירחם|rtl=yes}} with allophonically long {{IPA|[aː]}} do not show this shift).</ref><ref name="Blau 2010 82, 110">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=82, 110}}</ref> Vowels in open or stressed syllables had allophonic length (e.g. {{IPA|/a/}} in {{lang|hbo|יְרַחֵם|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/jəraˈħem/}} {{IPA|[jəraːˈħeːm]}} ('he will have mercy') < previously short {{IPA|[jəraˈħeːm]}} < {{IPA|[jəraħˈħeːm]}} by Tiberian degemination of {{IPA|/ħ/}} < PSem {{IPA|*/juraħˈħimu/}}).<ref name="Blau 2010 82, 110" /><ref group="nb">This is attested to by the testimony of Rabbi Joseph Qimḥi (12th century) and by medieval Arabic transcriptions, see {{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|pp=54–56}}. There is also possible evidence from the cantillation marks' behavior and Babylonian pataḥ, see {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=82}}.</ref> The Babylonian and Palestinian vocalizations systems also do not mark vowel length.<ref name="length" /><ref name="b118-119" /><ref name="jqimhi">{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|pp=54–56}}</ref> In the Tiberian and Babylonian systems, {{IPA|*/aː/}} and lengthened {{IPA|*/a/}} become the back vowel {{IPA|/ɔ/}}.<ref name="b118-119" /><ref name="r77" /> In unaccented closed syllables, {{IPA|*/i u/}} become {{IPA|/ɛ⁓i ɔ⁓u/}} (Tiberian), {{IPA|/a⁓i u/}} (Babylonian), or {{IPA|/e⁓i o⁓u/}} (Palestinian) – generally becoming the second vowel before geminates (e.g. {{lang|hbo|לִבִּי|rtl=yes}}) and the first otherwise.<ref name="b118-119" /><ref name="y16" /><ref name="r77" /><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Bergstrasser|Daniels|1995|p=53}}</ref><ref group="nb">The Palestinian reflexes of Tiberian {{IPA|/ɔ/}} ({{IPA|/a/}} and {{IPA|/o/}}) thus reflect the qamatz gadol-qamatz qatan distinction.</ref> In the Tiberian tradition pretonic vowels are reduced more commonly than in the Secunda. It does not occur for {{IPA|/*a/}}, but is occasional for {{IPA|/*i/}} (e.g. {{lang|hbo|מסמְרים|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/masməˈrim/}} 'nails' < {{IPA|*/masmiriːm/}}), and is common for {{IPA|/*u/}} (e.g. {{lang|hbo|רְחוֹב|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/rəˈħoβ}} 'open place' < {{IPA|*/ruħaːb/}}).<ref name="j120" /><ref name="breduc">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=129,136}}</ref> In Tiberian Hebrew pretonic {{IPA|/*u/}} is most commonly preserved by geminating the following consonant, e.g. {{lang|hbo|אדֻמּים|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ăðumˈmim/}} ('red' pl.) (cf. {{IPA|/ăˈðom/}} 'red' sg.); this pretonic gemination is also found in some forms with other vowels like {{lang|hbo|אַסִּיר|rtl=yes}}⁓{{lang|hbo|אָסִיר|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ɔˈsir/⁓/asˈsir/}} ('prisoner').<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=124, 136}}</ref>

The Babylonian and Palestinian systems have only one reduced vowel phoneme {{IPA|/ə/}} like the Secunda, though in Palestinian Hebrew it developed the pronunciation {{IPA|[ɛ]}}.<ref name="j54" /><ref name="b118-119" /><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=97}}</ref> However the Tiberian tradition possesses three reduced vowels {{IPA|/ă ɔ̆ ɛ̆/}} of which {{IPA|/ɛ̆/}} has questionable phonemicity.<ref name="b117-118">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=117–118}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=110}}</ref><ref group="nb">See {{lang|hbo|אֳנִי|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ɔ̆ˈni/}} ('ships') {{lang|hbo|אֲנִי|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ăˈni/}} ('I'), {{lang|hbo|חֳלִי|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ħɔ̆ˈli/}} ('sickness') {{lang|hbo|חֲלִי|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ħăˈli/}} ('ornament'), {{lang|hbo|עֲלִי|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ʕăˈli/}} ('ascend!') (Num 21:17) and {{lang|hbo|בַּעֱלִי|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/baʕɛ̆ˈli/}} ('[with the] pestle'; Prov 27:22). {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=117–118}} {{IPA|/ɛ̆/}} alternates with {{IPA|/ă/}} frequently and rarely contrasts with it, e.g. {{lang|hbo|אֱדוֹם|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ʔɛ̆ˈðom/}} ('[[History:Edom|Edom]]') versus {{lang|hbo|אֲדֹמִי|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ʔăðoˈmi/}} ('Edomite'). {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=117–118}} {{IPA|/ɔ̆/}} is clearly phonemic but bears minimal functional load. {{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=110}} {{IPA|/ă/}} is written both with ''mobile šwa'' {{angbr|&zwnj;ְ }} and ''hataf patah'' {{angbr|&zwnj;ֲ }}.
{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=117}}</ref> {{IPA|/ă/}} under a non-guttural letter was pronounced as an ultrashort copy of the following vowel before a guttural, e.g. {{lang|hbo|וּבָקְעָה|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|[uvɔqɔ̆ˈʕɔ]}}, and as {{IPA|[ĭ]}} preceding {{IPA|/j/}}, e.g. {{lang|hbo|תְדֵמְּיוּ֫נִי|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|[θăðamːĭˈjuni]}}, but was always pronounced as {{IPA|[ă]}} under gutturals, e.g. {{lang|he|שָחֲחו, חֲיִי}}.<ref name="y281-282">{{Harvcoltxt|Yeivin|1980|pp=281–282}}</ref><ref name="b105-106">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=105–106}}</ref> When reduced, etymological {{IPA|*/a i u/}} become {{IPA|/ă ɛ̆⁓ă ɔ̆/}} under gutturals (e.g. {{lang|hbo|אֲמרתם|rtl=yes}} 'you [mp.] said' cf. {{lang|hbo|אָמר|rtl=yes}} 'he said'), and generally {{IPA|/ă/}} under non-gutturals, but {{IPA|*/u/}} > {{IPA|/ɔ̆/}} (and rarely {{IPA|*/i/}} > {{IPA|/ɛ̆/}}) may still occur, especially after stops (or their spirantized counterparts) and {{IPA|/sʼ ʃ/}} (e.g. {{lang|hbo|דֳּמִי|rtl=yes}} /dɔ̆ˈmi/).<ref name="b84-85">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=84–85}}</ref><ref name="y282-283">{{Harvcoltxt|Yeivin|1980|pp=282–283}}</ref> Samaritan and Qumran Hebrew have full vowels in place of the reduced vowels of Tiberian Hebrew.<ref name="s160" />

Samaritan Hebrew also does not reflect etymological vowel length; however the elision of guttural consonants has created new phonemic vowel length, e.g. {{IPA|/rɒb/}} {{lang|hbo|רב|rtl=yes}} ('great') vs. {{IPA|/rɒːb/}} {{lang|hbo|רחב|rtl=yes}} ('wide').<ref name="bhlen">{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|pp=45, 47–48}} (while Ben-Hayyim notates four degrees of vowel length, he concedes that only his "fourth degree" has phonemic value)</ref> Samaritan Hebrew vowels are allophonically lengthened (to a lesser degree) in open syllables, e.g. {{lang|hbo|המצרי|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|[ammisˤriˑ]}}, {{lang|hbo|היא|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|[iˑ]}}, though this is less strong in post-tonic vowels.<ref name="bhlen" /> Pretonic gemination is also found in Samaritan Hebrew, but not always in the same locations as in Tiberian Hebrew, e.g. {{lang|hbo|גמלים|rtl=yes}} TH {{IPA|/ɡămalːim/}} SH {{IPA|/ɡɒmɒləm/}}; {{lang|hbo|שלמים|rtl=yes}} TH {{IPA|/ʃălɔmim/}} SH {{IPA|/ʃelamːəm/}}.<ref name="bh62">{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|p=62}}</ref> While Proto-Hebrew long vowels usually retain their vowel quality in the later traditions of Hebrew,<ref name="r77">{{Harvcoltxt|Rendsburg|1997|p=77}}</ref><ref name="jlong">{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|pp=54, 123–127}}</ref> in Samaritan Hebrew {{IPA|*/iː/}} may have reflex {{IPA|/e/}} in closed stressed syllables, e.g. {{lang|hbo|דין|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/den}}/, {{IPA|*/aː/}} may become either {{IPA|/a/}} or {{IPA|/ɒ/}},<ref name="bhlong" /> and {{IPA|*/oː/}} > {{IPA|/u/}}.<ref name="bhlong">{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|p=83}}</ref> The reduced vowels of the other traditions appear as full vowels, though there may be evidence that Samaritan Hebrew once had similar vowel reduction. <!-- needs to be elaborated on -->Samaritan {{IPA|/ə/}} results from the neutralization of the distinction between {{IPA|/i/}} and {{IPA|/e/}} in closed post-tonic syllables, e.g. {{IPA|/bit/}} {{lang|hbo|בית|rtl=yes}} ('house') {{IPA|/abbət/}} {{lang|hbo|הבית|rtl=yes}} ('the house') {{IPA|/ɡer/}} {{lang|hbo|גר|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/aɡɡər/}} {{lang|he|הגר}}.<ref name="bh49" />

Various more specific conditioned shifts of vowel quality have also occurred. Diphthongs were frequently monophthongized, but the scope and results of this shift varied among dialects. In particular, the Samaria ostraca show {{IPA|/jeːn/}} < {{IPA|*/jajn/}} < {{IPA|*/wajn/}}<ref group="nb">For {{IPA|/w-/}} > {{IPA|/j-/}}, see above. The Semitic form {{IPA|*/wajn-/}} was borrowed into [[Social:Proto-Indo-European language|Proto-Indo-European]] as {{IPA|*/wojn-om/}}, eventually yielding Latin ''vīnum'' and English ''wine''.</ref> for Southern {{IPA|/jajin/}} ('wine'), and Samaritan Hebrew shows instead the shift {{IPA|*/aj/}} > {{IPA|/iː/}}.<ref name="sclas" /><ref name="ssam" /> Original {{IPA|*/u/}} tended to shift to {{IPA|/i/}} (e.g. {{lang|hbo|אֹמֶר|rtl=yes}} and {{lang|hbo|אִמְרָה|rtl=yes}} 'word'; {{lang|hbo|חוץ|rtl=yes}} 'outside' and {{lang|hbo|חיצון|rtl=yes}} 'outer') beginning in the second half of the second millennium&nbsp;BCE.<ref name="sdis">{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|pp=138–139}}</ref> This was carried through completely in Samaritan Hebrew but met more resistance in other traditions such as the Babylonian and Qumran traditions.<ref name="sdis" /> Philippi's law is the process by which original {{IPA|*/i/}} in closed stressed syllables shifts to {{IPA|/a/}} (e.g. {{IPA|/*bint/}} > {{lang|hbo|בַּת|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/bat/}} 'daughter'), or sometimes in the Tiberian tradition {{IPA|/ɛ/}} (e.g. {{IPA|/*ʔamint/}} > {{lang|hbo|אֱמֶת|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ɛ̆mɛt/}} 'truth').<ref name="bphil">{{harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=133–136}}</ref><ref group="nb">This {{IPA|/a/}} does not become {{IPA|/ɔ/}} in pause, thus {{lang|hbo|בת|rtl=yes}} has a patah vowel in pause as well as in context. {{cite book|title=Eblaitica: essays on the Ebla archives and Eblaite language, Volume 1|year=1987|publisher=Eisenbrauns|isbn=978-0-931464-34-8|page=20}}</ref> This is absent in the transcriptions of the Secunda,<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|p=66}}</ref> but there is evidence that the law's onset predates the Secunda. In the Samaritan tradition Philippi's law is applied consistently, e.g. {{IPA|*/libː-u/}} > {{IPA|/lab/}} ('heart').<ref name="bhp">{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|p=79}}</ref><ref group="nb">The only known case where Philippi's Law does not apply is in the word {{lang|hbo|קן|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/qen/}} < {{IPA|*/qinn-u/}} ('nest'). The shift {{IPA|*/i/}} > {{IPA|/a/}} has been extended by analogy to similar forms, e.g. {{IPA|*/ʃim-u/}} > {{IPA|/ʃam/}} ('name'; but {{IPA|*/ʃim-u/}} > {{IPA|/ʃem/}} 'reputation'!). {{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|pp=76,79}}</ref> In some traditions the short vowel {{IPA|/*a/}} tended to shift to {{IPA|/i/}} in unstressed closed syllables: this is known as the law of attenuation. It is common in the Tiberian tradition, e.g. {{IPA|*/ʃabʕat/}} > Tiberian {{lang|hbo|שִבְעָה|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ʃivˈʕɔ/}} ('seven'), but exceptions are frequent.<ref name="b132">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=132}}</ref> It is less common in the Babylonian vocalization, e.g. {{IPA|/ʃabʕɔ/}} ('seven'), and differences in Greek and Latin transcriptions demonstrate that it began quite late.<ref name="b132" /> Attenuation generally did not occur before {{IPA|/i⁓e/}}, e.g. Tiberian {{lang|hbo|מַפְתֵּחַ|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/mafˈteħ/}} ('key') versus {{lang|hbo|מִפְתַּח|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/mifˈtaħ/}} ('opening [construct]'), and often was blocked before a geminate, e.g. {{lang|hbo|מתנה|rtl=yes}} ('gift').<ref name="b132" /> Attenuation is rarely present in Samaritan Hebrew, e.g. {{lang|hbo|מקדש|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/maqdaʃ/}}.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|p=81}}</ref><ref group="nb">Verbal forms such as {{lang|hbo|יפקד|rtl=yes}} = Samaritan {{IPA|/jifqɒd/}} < {{IPA|*/jafqud/}} may be examples of Barth's law rather than attenuation.</ref> In the Tiberian tradition {{IPA|/e i o u/}} take offglide {{IPA|/a/}} before {{IPA|/h ħ ʕ/}}.<ref name="b83">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=83}}</ref><ref group="nb">This is known as ''pataḥ furtivum'', literally 'stolen pataḥ' and perhaps a mistranslation of Hebrew {{lang|hbo|פתח גנובה|rtl=yes}} ('pataḥ of the stolen [letter]'), as if {{lang|hbo|אֵ|rtl=yes}} were being inserted. See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=83}}</ref> This is absent in the Secunda and in Samaritan Hebrew but present in the transcriptions of Jerome.<ref name="ssam">{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=156}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|pp=43,133}}</ref> In the Tiberian tradition an ultrashort echo vowel is sometimes added to clusters where the first element is a guttural, e.g. {{lang|hbo|יַאֲזִין|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/jaʔăzin/}} ('he will listen') {{lang|hbo|פָּעֳלוֹ|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/pɔʕɔ̆lo/}} ('his work') but {{lang|hbo|יַאְדִּיר|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/jaʔdir/}} ('he will make glorious') {{lang|hbo|רָחְבּוֹ|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ʀɔħbo/}} 'its breadth'.<ref name="b84-85" /><ref group="nb">It is evident that this epenthesis must have been a late phenomenon, since a short vowel preceding a guttural is preserved even though it becomes in an open syllable, see {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=85}}.</ref><ref group="nb">This is less common when the consonant following the guttural is a begadkefat letter, e.g. {{lang|hbo|תֵּחְבֹּל|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/taħbol/}} ('you take in pledge'). This suggests that begadkefat spirantization was no longer automatic by the time that this epenthesis occurred, see {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=79}}</ref><!--loss of final short vowels – differences bw/ nouns and verbs--><!-- {{IPA|/i/}} > {{IPA|/a/}} / gutterals -->

The following chart summarizes the most regular reflexes of the Proto-Semitic vowels in the various stages of Hebrew:
{| class="wikitable mw-collapsible"
|+Hebrew vowel reflexes
! colspan="3" rowspan="3" |<u>Hebrew vowel reflexes</u>
! colspan="5" |Hebrew language stage
|-
! rowspan="2" |[[Religion:Secunda (Hexapla)|Secunda]]
! colspan="3" |Jewish
! rowspan="2" |Samaritan<sup>1</sup>
|-
!Palestinian
!Babylonian
!Tiberian
|-
! rowspan="14" |''Proto-Hebrew vowel''
! rowspan="3" |{{IPA|*a}}
!<small>usual<sup>7</sup></small>
|{{IPA|a}}
| colspan="3" |{{IPA|a, i}}<sup>2</sup>
| rowspan="3" |{{IPA|a, ɒ}}
|-
!<small>lengthened<sup>5</sup></small>
|{{IPA|aː}}
|{{IPA|a}}
| colspan="2" |{{IPA|ɔ}}
|-
!<small>reduced<sup>6</sup></small>
|{{IPA|ə}}
| colspan="2" |{{IPA|ə}}
|{{IPA|ă}}
|-
! rowspan="3" |{{IPA|*i}}
!<small>usual<sup>7</sup></small>
|{{IPA|e}}
| colspan="2" |{{IPA|e, i}}<sup>8</sup>{{IPA|, a}}<sup>3</sup>
|{{IPA|ɛ, i}}<sup>8</sup>{{IPA|, a}}<sup>3</sup>
|{{IPA|e, i, a}}<sup>3</sup>
|-
!<small>lengthened<sup>5</sup></small>
|{{IPA|eː}}
| colspan="3" |{{IPA|e}}
|{{IPA|e}}
|-
!<small>reduced<sup>6</sup></small>
|{{IPA|ə}}
| colspan="2" |{{IPA|ə}}
|{{IPA|ă, ɛ̆}}
|{{IPA|e, i, a}}<sup>3</sup>
|-
! rowspan="3" |{{IPA|*u}}
!<small>usual<sup>7</sup></small>
|{{IPA|o}}
|{{IPA|o, u}}<sup>8</sup>
| colspan="2" |{{IPA|ɔ, u}}<sup>8</sup>
| rowspan="3" |{{IPA|a, ɒ, i}}
|-
!<small>lengthened<sup>5</sup></small>
|{{IPA|oː}}
| colspan="3" |{{IPA|o}}
|-
!<small>reduced<sup>6</sup></small>
|{{IPA|ə}}
| colspan="2" |{{IPA|ə}}
|{{IPA|ă, ɔ̆}}
|-
! colspan="2" |{{IPA|*aː}}→{{IPA|*oː}}
|{{IPA|oː}}
| colspan="3" |{{IPA|o}}
|{{IPA|u}}
|-
! colspan="2" |{{IPA|*iː}}
|{{IPA|iː}}
| colspan="3" |{{IPA|i}}
|{{IPA|e, i}}
|-
! colspan="2" |{{IPA|*uː}}
|{{IPA|uː}}
| colspan="3" |{{IPA|u}}
|{{IPA|o, u}}<sup>4</sup>
|-
! colspan="2" |{{IPA|*aj}}→{{IPA|*ej}}
|{{IPA|eː}}
| colspan="3" |{{IPA|e}}
|{{IPA|iː, i}}
|-
! colspan="2" |{{IPA|*aw}}→{{IPA|*ow}}
|{{IPA|oː}}
| colspan="3" |{{IPA|o}}
|{{IPA|uː, o}}
|}
All Proto-Hebrew short vowels were deleted word-finally.

Notes:<div style="font-size:88%">
# <big>[[Unsolved:Samaritan Hebrew|Samaritan Hebrew]] vowels may be lengthened in the presence of etymological guttural consonants. {{IPA|/ə/}} results from both {{IPA|/i/}} and {{IPA|/e/}} in closed post-tonic syllables.</big>
# <big>with the law of attenuation.</big>
# <big>with Philippi's law.</big>
# <big>Samaritan {{IPA|/o u/}} are nearly in complementary distribution ({{IPA|/o/}} in open syllables, {{IPA|/u/}} in closed syllables). /o/ contrasts only stressed final syllables.</big>
# <big>lengthening occurs in some open one syllable away from the stress and some stressed syllables; exact conditions depend on the vowel and reading tradition</big>
# <big>reduction occurs in the open syllables two syllables away from the stress and sometimes also in pretonic and stressed open syllables; exact conditions depend on the vowel and reading tradition.</big>
# <big>mainly in most closed syllables.</big>
# <big>more common before long consonants.</big>
</div>

=== Stress ===
Proto-Hebrew generally had penultimate stress.<ref name="j52">{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|p=52}}</ref><!-- note how Janssens sees some exceptions that Blau doesn't --><ref group="nb">For the purposes of vowel quality shifts, words in the construct state are treated as if the stress fell immediately on the first syllable following the word. See {{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|pp=52}}</ref> The ultimate stress of later traditions of Hebrew usually resulted from the loss of final vowels in many words, preserving the location of proto-Semitic stress.<ref group="nb">Additionally, short stressed vowels in open syllables were reduced and lost stress, leading to ultimate stress in forms like {{lang|hbo|קטלו|rtl=yes}} < {{IPA|*/qaˈtʼaluː/}}. In Tiberian Hebrew some words have penultimate stress in pause (before a break in reading), but ultimate stress in context, such as {{lang|hbo|שָמָ֫רָה|rtl=yes}} and {{lang|hbo|שָמְרָה|rtl=yes}} ('she watched'), because the penultimate vowel in the original form {{IPA|*/ʃaˈmaru/}} lengthened in pause, while in context it was not lengthened, and then lost the stress and was reduced due to this sound shift. See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=146–148, 154}}</ref> Tiberian Hebrew has phonemic stress, e.g. {{lang|hbo|בָּנוּ֫|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/bɔˈnu/}} ('they built') vs. {{lang|hbo|בָּ֫נוּ|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ˈbɔnu/}} ('in us'); stress is most commonly ultimate, less commonly penultimate, and antipenultimate stress exists marginally, e.g. {{lang|hbo|הָאֹ֫הֱלָה|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/hɔˈʔohɛ̆lɔ/}} ('into the tent').<ref name="b143-144">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=143–144}}</ref><ref group="nb">It is not clear that a reduced vowel should be considered as comprising a whole syllable. Note for example that the rule whereby a word's stress shifts to a preceding open syllable to avoid being adjacent to another stressed syllable skips over ultrashort vowels, e.g. {{lang|hbo|עִם־יוֹ֫רְדֵי בוֹר|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ʕim-ˈjorăde vor/}} ('with those who go down into the pit') {{lang|hbo|מְטֹ֫עֲנֵי חָ֫רֶב|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/măˈtʼoʕăne ˈħɔrɛv/}} ('pierced with a sword'). See {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=143–144}}</ref> There does not seem to be evidence for stress in the Secunda varying from that of the Tiberian tradition.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Janssens|1982|p=53}}</ref> Despite sharing the loss of final vowels with Tiberian Hebrew, Samaritan Hebrew has generally not preserved Proto-Semitic stress, and has predominantly penultimate stress, with occasional ultimate stress.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Ben-Ḥayyim|2000|p=68}}</ref> There is evidence that Qumran Hebrew had a similar stress pattern to Samaritan Hebrew.<ref name="s160">{{Harvcoltxt|Sáenz-Badillos|1993|p=160}}</ref>

== Grammar ==
Medieval grammarians of Arabic and Hebrew classified words as belonging to three parts of speech: Arabic ''ism'' ('noun'), ''fiʻl'' ('verb'), and ''ḥarf'' ('particle'); other grammarians have included more categories.<ref name="pos">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|pp=66–67}}</ref> In particular, adjectives and nouns show more affinity to each other than in most European languages.<ref name="pos" /> Biblical Hebrew has a typical Semitic morphology, characterized by the use of roots. Most words in Biblical Hebrew are formed from a ''root'', a sequence of consonants with a general associated meaning.<ref name="sroot">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=83}}</ref> Roots are usually triconsonantal, with biconsonantal roots less common (depending on how some words are analyzed) and rare cases of quadri- and quinquiconsonantal roots.<ref name="sroot" /> <!-- mention co-occurrence restrictions --> Roots are modified by [[Social:Affix|affix]]ation to form words.<ref name="sroot" /> Verbal patterns are more productive and consistent, while noun patterns are less predictable.<ref name="sroot2">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=84}}</ref>

=== Nouns and adjectives ===

The most common nominal prefix used is {{IPA|/m/}}, used for substantives of location ({{lang|hbo|מושב|rtl=yes}} 'assembly'), instruments ({{lang|hbo|מפתח|rtl=yes}} 'key'), and abstractions ({{lang|hbo|משפט|rtl=yes}} 'judgement').<ref name="prefs">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|pp=90–92}}</ref> The vowel after {{IPA|/m/}} is normally {{IPA|/a/}}, but appears sometimes as {{IPA|/i/}}, or in the case of {{lang|hbo|מושב|rtl=yes}} as {{IPA|/o/}} (contracted from {{IPA|*/aw/}}).<ref name="prefs" /> The prefix {{IPA|/t/}} is used to denote the action of the verb; it is derived from more common for initial-{{IPA|/w/}} verbs, e.g. {{lang|hbo|תודה|rtl=yes}} ('thanksgiving'; < ydy).<ref name="prefs" /> Prefixed {{IPA|/ʔ/}} is used in adjectives, e.g. {{lang|hbo|אכזב|rtl=yes}} ('deceptive'), and also occurs in nouns with initial sibilants, e.g. {{lang|hbo|אצבע|rtl=yes}} ('finger').<ref name="prefs" /> In the latter case this prefix was added for phonetic reasons, and the {{lang|hbo|א|rtl=yes}} prefix is called either "prothetic" or "prosthetic".<ref name="prefs" /> Prefixed {{lang|hbo|ע|rtl=yes}} often occurs in quadriliteral animal names, perhaps as a prefix, e.g. {{lang|hbo|עֳטלף|rtl=yes}} ('bat'), {{lang|hbo|עכבר|rtl=yes}} ('mouse'), {{lang|hbo|עקרב|rtl=yes}} ('scorpion').<ref name="prefs" />

In proto-Semitic nouns were marked for case: in the singular the markers were {{IPA|*/-u/}} in the nominative, {{IPA|*/-a/}} in the accusative (used also for adverbials), and {{IPA|*/-i/}} in the genitive, as evidenced in Akkadian, Ugaritic, and Arabic.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=266}}</ref> The Amarna letters show that this was probably still present in Hebrew {{circa|1350&nbsp;BCE.}}<ref name="scase">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=17}}</ref> In the development of Hebrew, final {{IPA|*/-u, -i/}} were dropped first, and later {{IPA|*/-a/}} was elided as well.<ref name="b267-8">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=267–268}}</ref> Mimation, a nominal suffix {{IPA|*/-m/}} of unclear meaning, was found in early Canaanite, as shown by early Egyptian transcriptions ({{circa|1800&nbsp;BCE}}) of Jerusalem as ''Urušalimim'', but there is no indication of its presence after 1800&nbsp;BCE.<ref name="b267-8" /><ref group="nb">It has been suggested that the construct forms {{lang|hbo|אבי|rtl=yes}}, {{lang|hbo|אחי|rtl=yes}} have long {{IPA|/iː/}} lacking in the absolute {{lang|hbo|אב אח|rtl=yes}} because the later stem from forms like {{IPA|*/ʔabuːm/}} > {{IPA|*/ʔabum/}} (because Proto-Semitic did not allow long vowels in closed syllables) > {{IPA|*/ʔab/}} (loss of mimation and final short vowel), see {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=267}}</ref> Final {{IPA|*/-a/}} is preserved in {{lang|hbo|לַ֫יְלָה|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ˈlajlɔ/}}, originally meaning 'at night' but in prose replacing {{lang|hbo|לַ֫יִל|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ˈlajil/}} ('night'), and in the "connective vowels" of some prepositions (originally adverbials), e.g. {{lang|hbo|עִמָּ֫נוּ|rtl=yes}} ('with us'); nouns preserve {{IPA|*/-i/}} in forms like {{lang|he|יָדֵ֫נוּ}}.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=122, 268–269}}</ref><ref group="nb">The unstressed suffix -ה in words like {{lang|hbo|ארצה|rtl=yes}} ('to the earth'), occurring also in exclamations like {{lang|hbo|חללה|rtl=yes}} and used ornamentally in poetry, e.g. {{lang|hbo|ישועתה|rtl=yes}}, may have originally terminated in consonantal {{IPA|*/-h/}} which was later elided, following the suffix {{IPA|*/-a/}}. This is evidenced by Ugaritic orthography, almost purely consonantal, where {{lang|hbo|ארצה|rtl=yes}} appears with {{IPA|/h/}}, see {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=91–92, 268}}</ref> Construct state nouns lost case vowels at an early period (similar to Akkadian), as shown by the reflexes of {{IPA|*/ɬadaju/}} ({{lang|hbo|שָֹדֶה|rtl=yes}} in absolute but {{lang|hbo|שְׂדֵה|rtl=yes}} in construct) and the reflexes of {{IPA|*/jadu/}} ({{lang|he|יָד}} and {{lang|he|יַד}})<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=119–120, 268}}</ref> However forms like {{lang|hbo|יָדֵ֫נוּ|rtl=yes}} show that this was not yet a feature of Proto-Hebrew.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=268}}</ref>

Biblical Hebrew has two genders, masculine and feminine, which are reflected in nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and verbs.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=95}}</ref> Hebrew distinguishes between singular and plural numbers, and plural forms may also be used for collectives and honorifics.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=118}}</ref> Hebrew has a morphological dual form for nouns that naturally occur in pairs and for units of measurement and time which contrasts with the plural ({{lang|hbo|יום|rtl=yes}} 'day' {{lang|hbo|יומים|rtl=yes}} 'two days' {{lang|hbo|ימים|rtl=yes}} 'days').<ref name="wdual">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|pp=117–118}}</ref> A widespread misconception is that the Hebrew plural denotes three or more objects. In truth, it denotes two or more objects.<ref>{{cite book |last= Roy |first= William L. |title= A new catechetical Hebrew and English grammar: containing all the rules essential to a correct and critical knowledge of the language in a simple and comprehensive form. Also, the first twenty-four psalms, literally translated, the Ten Commandments, etc. etc. |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=tdtQFlERil0C&q=%22hebrew+grammar%22+plural+dual+%22two+or+more%22&pg=PA14 |format= Google eBook |access-date= 2013-06-11 |edition= 2nd |year= 1856 |publisher= Thos. N. Stanford |location= {{wipe|New York City}} |oclc= 11717769 |page= 14 |quote= The singular means but one thing, the plural two or more things, the dual things which are two by nature or art, as eyes, ears, hands, feet, &c. &c. }}</ref> However adjectives, pronouns, and verbs do not have dual forms, and most nominal dual forms can function as plurals ({{lang|hbo|שש כנפַים|rtl=yes}} 'six wings' from Isaiah 6:2).<ref name="wdual" /><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=164}}</ref> Finite verbs are marked for subject person, number, and gender.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=346}}</ref> Nouns also have a construct form which is used in genitive constructions.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=138}}</ref>

Nouns are marked as definite with the prefix /ha-/ followed by gemination of the initial consonant of the noun.<ref name="def">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=237}}</ref> In Tiberian Hebrew the vowel of the article may become {{IPA|/ɛ/}} or {{IPA|/ɔ/}} in certain phonetic environments, for example {{lang|hbo|החכם|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/hɛħɔˈxɔm/}} ('the wise man'), {{lang|hbo|האיש|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/hɔˈʔiʃ/}} ('the man').<ref name="def2">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=238}}</ref>

The traditions differ on the form of segolate nouns, nouns stemming from roots with two final consonants. The anaptyctic {{IPA|/ɛ/}} of the Tiberian tradition in segolates appears in the Septuagint (3rd century&nbsp;BCE) but not the Hexapla (2nd century&nbsp;CE), e.g. {{lang|hbo|גֶּתֶר|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ˈɡɛθɛr/}} = Γαθερ versus {{lang|hbo|כֵּסֶל|rtl=yes}} {{IPA|/ˈkesɛl/}} = Χεσλ (Psalms 49:14).<ref name="bseg">{{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|pp=274–275}}</ref> This may reflect dialectal variation or phonetic versus phonemic transcriptions.<ref name="bseg" /> Both the Palestinian and Babylonian traditions have an anaptyctic vowel in segolates, {{IPA|/e/}} in the Palestinian tradition (e.g. {{IPA|/ʔeresʼ/}} 'land' = Tiberian {{lang|hbo|אֶרֶץ|rtl=yes}} Deuteronomy 26:15) and {{IPA|/a/}} in Babylonian (e.g. {{IPA|/ħepasʼ/}} 'item' = Tiberian {{lang|hbo|חֵפֶץ|rtl=yes}} Jeremiah 22:28).<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Sperber|1966|p=445}}</ref> The Qumran tradition sometimes shows some type of back epenthetic vowel when the first vowel is back, e.g. {{angle bracket|{{lang|he|אוהול}}}} for Tiberian {{angle bracket|{{lang|he|אֹהֶל}}}} {{IPA|/ˈʔohɛl/}} ('tent').

Biblical Hebrew has two sets of personal pronouns: the free-standing independent pronouns have a nominative function, while the pronominal suffixes are genitive or accusative.<ref name="wp">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=291}}</ref> Only the first person suffix has different possessive and objective forms ({{lang|he|-י}} and {{lang|he|-ני}}).<ref name="sb"/>

=== Verbs ===
Verbal consonantal roots are placed into derived verbal stems, known as {{lang|hbo|בנינים|rtl=yes}} ''binyanim'' in Hebrew; the binyanim mainly serve to indicate grammatical voice.<ref name="sb">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=302}}</ref> This includes various distinctions of reflexivity, passivity, and causativity.<ref name="sb" /> Verbs of all binyanim have three non-finite forms (one participle, two infinitives), three modal forms (cohortative, imperative, jussive), and two major conjugations (prefixing, suffixing).<ref name="sconj">{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|pp=455–456}}</ref><ref group="nb">The modal forms may be taken to form a single volitional class, as cohortative is used in first person, imperative (or prefixing) in second person positive, jussive (or prefixing) in second person negative, and jussive in third person. They also overlap semantically, for example a jussive form like 'May my soul ...' is semantically equivalent to a cohortative like 'May I ...'. However, the three moods stem from different classes in proto-West-Semitic. As preserved in Classical Arabic, there were originally three prefix tenses, indicative ''yaqtulu'', jussive ''yaqtul'', and subjunctive ''yaqtula'', which existed for every person. In Biblical Hebrew, ''yaqtulu'' developed into the prefixing class, while ''yaqtul'' remained the jussive and ''yaqtula'' the cohortative. For most roots in Biblical Hebrew, the jussive form is identical to the indicative form. (Differentiation is typical of forms with "long" and "short" forms, e.g. indicative {{lang|hbo|יכרִית|rtl=yes}}, jussive {{lang|hbo|יכרֵת|rtl=yes}}; indicative {{lang|hbo|יראה|rtl=yes}}, jussive {{lang|hbo|יֵרֶא|rtl=yes}}) See {{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|pp=564–565, 566}} and {{Harvcoltxt|Blau|2010|p=206}}.</ref> The meaning of the prefixing and suffixing conjugations are also affected by the conjugation {{lang|hbo|ו|rtl=yes}}, and their meaning with respect to [[Social:Grammatical tense|tense]] and aspect is a matter of debate.<ref name="sconj" />

=== Word order ===
The default word order in Biblical Hebrew is commonly thought to be [[Social:Verb–subject–object|VSO]],<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Doron|2005|p=3}}</ref> though one scholar has argued that this is due to the prevalence of clauses with a ''wayyiqtol'' verb form compared to other less [[Social:Markedness|marked]] forms that use SVO either more often or at least to a comparable degree.<ref>Robert Holmstedt. [http://ancienthebrewgrammar.wordpress.com/2011/05/16/basic-word-order-in-biblical-hebrew-3/ Basic Word Order in the Biblical Hebrew Verbal Clause, Part 3]. 2011-05-16. Accessed 2012-06-16.</ref> Attributive adjectives normally follow the noun they modify.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Waltke|O'Connor|1990|p=258}}</ref> In Biblical Hebrew, possession is normally expressed with status constructus, a construction in which the possessed noun occurs in a phonologically reduced, "construct" form and is followed by the possessor noun in its normal, "absolute" form.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Zuckermann|2006|p=74}}</ref><ref>{{Harvcoltxt|Rosén|1969}}</ref> Pronominal direct objects are either suffixed to the verb or alternatively expressed on the object-marking pronoun {{lang|he|את}}.<ref name="glinert">{{Harvcoltxt|Glinert|2004|p=52}}</ref>

=== Tense and aspect ===
Biblical Hebrew has two main conjugation types, the suffix conjugation, also called the Perfect, and the prefix conjugation, also called Imperfect. The Perfect verb form expressed the idea of the verb as a completed action, viewing it from start to finish as a whole, and not focusing on the process by which the verb came to be completed, stating it as a simple fact. This is often used in the past tense; however, there are some contexts in which a Perfect verb translates into the present and future tenses.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.blueletterbible.com|title=Bible Search and Study Tools – Blue Letter Bible|website=blueletterbible.com|language=en|access-date=2017-07-17}}</ref>

The Imperfect portrays the verb as an incomplete action along with the process by which it came about, either as an event that has not begun, an event that has begun but is still in the process, or a habitual or cyclic action that is on an ongoing repetition. The Imperfect can also express modal or conditional verbs, as well as commands in the Jussive and Cohortative moods. It is conjectured that the imperfect can express modal quality through the paragogic nun added to certain imperfect forms.<ref>{{Cite book|last=W. Randall Carr|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qyF0fHr2_3cC&q=paragogic+nun&pg=PA65|title=The Paragogic nun in Rhetorical Perspective, in Biblical Hebrew in Its Northwest Semitic Setting: Typological and Historical Perspectives|date=2006|publisher=Eisenbrauns|isbn=978-1-57506-116-0|editor-last=Steven Ellis Fassberg, Avi Hurvitz|language=en}}</ref> While often future tense, it also has uses in the past and present under certain contexts. Biblical Hebrew tense is not necessarily reflected in the verb forms per se, but rather is determined primarily by context. The Participles also reflect ongoing or continuous actions, but are also subject to the context determining their tense.

The verbal forms can be Past Tense in these circumstances:<ref name=":0">{{Cite book|title=A Guide to Biblical Hebrew Syntax by Bill T. Arnold|last1=Arnold|first1=Bill T.|last2=Choi|first2=John H.|language=en|doi=10.1017/cbo9780511610899|year=2003|isbn=978-0-511-61089-9|s2cid=169824867 |url=http://www.loc.gov/catdir/samples/cam041/2002041025.html }}</ref>
* ''<u>Perfect</u>, Simple Past'': in narrative, reflects a simple completed action, perception, emotion or mental process, and can also be past tense from the perspective of a prior verb which is used in future tense
* ''<u>Imperfect</u>, Waw Consecutive Preterite'': simple past tense which takes the וַ prefix as a conjunction, appears at the beginning of a clause when it is connected in a narrative sequence with previous clauses, where the conjunction can be translated as 'and then', 'then', 'but', 'however', sometimes is not translated at all, and can even have a parenthetical function as if suggesting the clause is like a side note to the main focus of the narrative
* ''<u>Imperfect</u>, Past'': reflecting not just a past action but also suggesting the process with which it was being done, e.g.: "I brought the horse to a halt", "I began to hear"
* ''<u>Imperfect</u>, Cyclic Past'': reflecting a habitual or cyclic action over time, e.g. "this is what Job would always do"
* ''<u>Participle</u> in Past Tense'': an active or passive Participle being used in its imperfect verbal sense in the past, e.g. "and the Spirit of God was hovering"
The verbal forms can be Present Tense in these circumstances:<ref name=":0" />
* ''<u>Perfect</u>, Proverbial/General Present'': a general truth in the present tense which is not referring to a specific event, e.g. "the sun sets in the west"
* ''<u>Perfect</u>, Stative Present'': present tense with verbs that depict a state of being rather than an action, including verbs of perception, emotion or mental process, e.g. "I love", "I hate", "I understand", "I know"
* ''<u>Perfect</u>, Present Perfect'': a Present Perfect verb, e.g. "I have walked"
* ''<u>Imperfect</u>, Present Condition'': an Imperfect verb in the present, one which implies that an action has been going on for some time and is still ongoing in the present, especially used of questions in the present, e.g. "what are you seeking?"
* ''<u>Imperfect</u>, Cyclic Present'': an Imperfect verb in the present, reflecting a cyclic action in the present, e.g. "it is being said in the city", "a son makes his father glad"
* ''<u>Participle</u> in Present Tense'': an active or passive Participle being used in its imperfect verbal sense in the present, e.g. "I am going"
The verbal forms can be Future Tense in these circumstances:<ref name=":0" />
* ''<u>Perfect</u>, Waw Consecutive Future'': by analogy to the Preterite, a simple future tense verb which takes the וְ prefix as a conjunction, appears at the beginning of a clause when it is connected in a narrative sequence with previous clauses, where the conjunction can be translated as 'and then', 'then', 'but', 'however', sometimes is not translated at all, and can even have a parenthetical function as if suggesting the clause is like a side note to the main focus of the narrative
* ''<u>Perfect</u>, Waw Consecutive Subjunctive'': takes the וְ prefix as a conjunction to continue the Subjunctive Mood in a narrative sequence
* ''<u>Perfect</u>, Waw Consecutive Jussive/Cohortative'': takes the וְ prefix as a conjunction to continue the Jussive and Cohortative Moods in a narrative sequence
* ''<u>Perfect</u>, Promise Future'': the completeness of the verb form here expresses an imminent action in the context of promises, threats and the language of contracts and covenants in general, e.g. "I will give you this land", "will I have this pleasure?"
* ''<u>Perfect</u>, Prophetic Future'': the completeness of the verb form here expresses an imminent action in the context of prophecy, e.g. "you will go into exile"
* ''<u>Imperfect</u>, Future'': reflects a future event which has not yet come into completion, or one that has not yet begun, or future tense from the perspective of a prior verb which is used in past tense
* ''<u>Imperfect</u>, Subjunctive'': reflects a potential, theoretical or modal verb, such as in conditional clauses, e.g. "If you go...", "she should stay"
* ''<u>Imperfect</u>, Jussive/Cohortative'': reflects a non-immediate command, invitation, permission or wishful request, e.g. "let there be light", "you may eat from the tree", "let's go", "O that someone would get me a drink"

== Sample text ==
The following is a sample from Psalm 18 as appears in the Masoretic text with medieval Tiberian niqqud and cantillation and the Greek transcription of the Secunda of the [[Religion:Hexapla|Hexapla]] along with its reconstructed pronunciation.

{| border="0" width="100%" style="table-layout: fixed"
|-
|style="padding-right:10px"|{{center|'''''Tiberian Hebrew'''''}}

{{rtl-para|he|2=<span style="font-size:105%">29&nbsp;כִּֽי־אַ֭תָּה תָּאִ֣יר נֵרִ֑י יְהוָ֥ה אֱ֝לֹהַ֗י יַגִּ֥יהַּ חָשְׁכִּֽי׃</span>}}

{{rtl-para|he|2=<span style="font-size:105%">30&nbsp;כִּֽי־בְ֭ךָ אָרֻ֣ץ גְּד֑וּד וּ֝בֵֽאלֹהַ֗י אֲדַלֶּג־שֽׁוּר׃</span>}}

{{rtl-para|he|2=<span style="font-size:105%">31&nbsp;הָאֵל֮ תָּמִ֪ים דַּ֫רְכֹּ֥ו אִמְרַֽת־יְהוָ֥ה צְרוּפָ֑ה מָגֵ֥ן ה֝֗וּא לְכֹ֤ל ׀ הַחֹסִ֬ים בֹּֽו׃</span>}}

{{rtl-para|he|2=<span style="font-size:105%">32&nbsp;כִּ֤י מִ֣י אֱ֭לֹוהַּ מִבַּלְעֲדֵ֣י יְהוָ֑ה וּמִ֥י צ֝֗וּר זוּלָתִ֥י אֱלֹהֵֽינוּ׃</span>}}
|{{center|'''Secunda'''<ref name="j173"/>}}

<span style="font-size:105%">29. {{lang|grc|χι αθθα θαειρ νηρι YHWH ελωαι αγι οσχι}}</span>

<span style="font-size:105%">30. {{lang|grc|χι βαχ αρους γεδουδ ουβελωαι εδαλλεγ σουρ}}</span>

<span style="font-size:105%">31. {{lang|grc|αηλ θαμμιν (*-μ) δερχω εμαραθ YHWH σερουφα μαγεν ου λαχολ αωσιμ βω}}</span>

<span style="font-size:105%">32. {{lang|grc|χι μι ελω μεββελαδη YHWH ουμι σουρ ζουλαθι ελωννου (*-ηνου)}}</span>
|{{center|'''''Pronunciation (Secunda)'''''<ref name="j173" /> ([[International Phonetic Alphabet|IPA]])}}

<span style="font-size:105%">29. {{IPA|[kiː ʔatːaː taːʔiːr neːriː}} **** {{IPA|ʔaloːhaj aɡiːh ħoʃkiː]}}</span>

<span style="font-size:105%">30. {{IPA|[kiː baːk ʔaːruːsˤ ɡəduːd ubeloːhaj ʔədalːeɡ ʃuːr]}}</span>

<span style="font-size:105%">31. {{IPA|[haːʔeːl tamːiːm derkoː ʔemərat}} **** {{IPA|sˤəruːfaː maːɡen huː ləkol haħoːsiːm boː]}}</span>

<span style="font-size:105%">32. {{IPA|[kiː miː ʔeloːh mebːelʕadeː}} **** {{IPA|umiː sˤuːr zuːlaːtiː ʔeloːheːnuː]}}</span>
|}

== Notes ==
<references group="nb" />

== References ==
{{Reflist|30em}}

== Bibliography ==
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*{{cite book|last=Blau|first=Joshua|title=Phonology and Morphology of Biblical Hebrew|year=2010|publisher=Eisenbrauns|location= Winona Lake, Indiana|isbn=978-1-57506-129-0}}
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*{{citation|last=Rendsburg |first=Gary A. |year=1997 |contribution=Ancient Hebrew Phonology |pages=65–83 |title=Phonologies of Asia and Africa |editor-last=Kaye |editor-first=Alan |publisher=Eisenbrauns |url=http://jewishstudies.rutgers.edu/component/docman/doc_view/93-ancient-hebrew-phonology |isbn=978-1-57506-019-4 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110720041841/http://jewishstudies.rutgers.edu/component/docman/doc_view/93-ancient-hebrew-phonology |archive-date=20 July 2011}}
*{{citation|last=Rendsburg |first=Gary A. |url=http://jewishstudies.rutgers.edu/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=97&Itemid=158 |contribution=Notes on Israelian Hebrew (I) |editor-last=Avishur |editor-first=Yitzhak Avishur |editor2-last=Deutsch |editor2-first=Robert |title=Michael: Historical, Epigraphical and Biblical Studies in Honor of Prof. Michael Heltzer |location=Tel Aviv |publisher=Archaeological Center Publications |year=1999 |pages=255–258 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110720041518/http://jewishstudies.rutgers.edu/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=97&Itemid=158 |archive-date=20 July 2011 }}
*{{cite journal|last=Rosén|first=H.|title=Israel Language Policy and Linguistics|journal=Ariel|volume=25|year=1969|pages= 48–63|url=http://www.adath-shalom.ca/israel_lang_policy_rosen.htm}}
*{{cite book|last=Sáenz-Badillos|first=Angel|title=A History of the Hebrew Language|year=1993|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-55634-7}}
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*{{cite book|last=Sperber|first=Alexander|title=A Historical Grammar of Biblical Hebrew|year=1966|publisher=E. J. Brill|location=Leiden}}
*{{cite web|last=Steinberg|first=David|title=History of the Ancient and Modern Hebrew Language|url=http://www.adath-shalom.ca/history_of_hebrew2a.htm |year=2010|access-date=15 June 2011}}
*{{cite book |last=Steiner|first=Richard C.|year=1997|chapter=Ancient Hebrew|pages=145–173|title=The Semitic Languages |editor-last=Hetzron|editor-first=Robert|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0-415-05767-7}}
*{{cite book|last=Tov|first=Emanuel|title=Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible|year=1992|publisher=Augsburg Fortress|location=Minneapolis|isbn=978-0-8006-3429-2}}
*{{cite book|last1=Waltke|first1=Bruce K.|last2=O'Connor|first2=M.|title=An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax|year=1990|publisher=Eisenbrauns|location=Winona Lake, Indiana|isbn=978-0-931464-31-7}}
*{{cite book|last=Yahalom|first=Joseph|title=Palestinian Vocalised Piyyut Manuscripts in the Cambridge Genizah Collections|year=1997|publisher=Cambridge University|isbn=978-0-521-58399-2}}
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*{{cite book|last=[[Biography:Ghil'ad Zuckermann|Zuckermann]]|first=Ghil'ad|year=2006|chapter=Complement Clause Types in Israeli|title=Complementation: a cross-linguistic typology |editor-last=Dixon|editor-first=R. M. W.|editor2-last=Aikhenvald|editor2-first=Alexandra Y.}}.

== External links ==

*Biblical Hebrew Resources
**[https://www.ualberta.ca/~ebenzvi/Assist/Hebrew_Bible/hebrewbibstudy.html Resources for the Study of Biblical Hebrew], Prof. E. Ben Zvi, University of Alberta
**Brown–Driver–Briggs Hebrew Lexicon – with an appendix containing Biblical Aramaic (Wikisource)
**[http://ehebrew.net/learn-ancient-hebrew/ Free resources to study Biblical Hebrew online], eHebrew.net
*Grammar, vocabulary and writing
**[http://veracityomadden.com/heb/thechart.pdf The Handy-Dandy Hebrew Grammar Chart], Prof. Shawn Madden, Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary.
**[http://www.hebrew4christians.com/Grammar/grammar.html Basic Biblical Hebrew Grammar (introductory)]
**[http://www.hebrew4christians.com/Grammar/Unit_One/Aleph-Bet/aleph-bet.html Learn to write the Biblical Hebrew characters]
**[http://www.biblescripture.net/Hebrew.html The Alphabet of Biblical Hebrew]


[[Category:Sacred languages]]

{{Sourceattribution|Biblical Hebrew}}