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The '''Nazca culture''' (also '''Nasca''') was the archaeological culture that flourished from {{circa|100 BC to 800 AD}} beside the arid, southern coast of Peru in the river valleys of the Rio Grande de Nazca drainage and the Ica Valley.<ref name = "silver2002">''The Nasca'' by Helaine Silverman and Donald A. Proulx. Blackwell Publishers. Malden. 2002.</ref> Having been heavily influenced by the preceding [[Social:Paracas culture|Paracas culture]] , which was known for extremely complex textiles, the Nazca produced an array of crafts and technologies such as ceramics, textiles, and geoglyphs—specifically the [[Astronomy:Nazca Lines|Nazca Lines]]. They also built an impressive system of underground aqueducts, known as ''puquios'', that still function today. The Nazca Province in the Ica Region was named for this people.

==History==

===Time frame===
Nazca society developed during the Early Intermediate Period and is generally divided into the Proto Nazca (phase 1, 100 BC &nbsp;– 1 AD), the Early Nazca (phases 2–4, 1–450 AD), Middle Nazca (phase 5, 450–550 AD) and Late Nazca (phases 6–7, 550–750 AD) cultures.<ref>"Ceramic Production in Ancient Nasca: Provenance Analysis of Pottery from the Early Nasca and Tiza Cultures Through INNA" by Kevin J. Vaughn, ''Journal of Archaeological Science'' (2006), Volume 33, Issue 5: 681–689</ref>

===Decline and fall of the civilization===
From 500 AD, the civilization started to decline and by 750 AD the civilization had fallen completely. This is thought to have occurred when an ''[[Earth:El Niño|El Niño]]'' triggered widespread and destructive flooding. Evidence also suggests that the Nazca people may have exacerbated the effects of these floods by gradually cutting down  ''Prosopis pallida'' trees to make room for maize and cotton agriculture. These trees play an extremely important role as the ecological [[Biology:Keystone species|keystone]] of this landscape: in particular preventing river and [[Earth:Aeolian processes|wind erosion]]. Gradual removal of trees would have exposed the landscape to the effects of climate perturbations such as  ''[[Earth:El Niño|El Niño]]'', leading to erosion and leaving irrigation systems high and dry.<ref>"The Role of Prosopis in Ecological and Landscape Change in the Samaca Basin, Lower Ica Valley, South Coast Peru from the Early Horizon to the Late Intermediate Period " by Beresford-Jones, D., S. Arce, O.Q. Whaley and A. Chepstow-Lusty (2009). ''Latin American Antiquity'' Vol. 20 pp.&nbsp;303–330</ref>

==Society==

===Social structure===
Early Nazca society was made up of local chiefdoms and regional centers of power centered around Cahuachi, a non-urban ceremonial site of earthwork mounds and plazas.<ref name = Valdez1994>"Cahuachi: New Evidence for an Early Nasca Ceremonial Role" by Lidio M. Valdez, ''Current Anthropology'' 35, no. 5 (December 1994): 675–679</ref> Scholars have developed theories resulting from various excavations at Cahuachi and suggest that the site was the center for rituals and feasting relating to agriculture, water, and fertility. This may have been as a result of environmental deterioration; the eventual collapse of the center may have also been a result of that decline.<ref name = Valdez1994/> Cahuachi lies in the lower portion of the Nazca Valley and was initially occupied during the late [[Social:Paracas culture|Paracas]] phase. It is unique among all other Nazca sites in the region and it is the most important site for the study of ancient Nazca culture.<ref name = Valdez1994/> The people modified the natural ''huacas'' (hills) into pyramid mounds for ceremonial and religious purposes.

[[File:BLW Nazca Bowl with fish.jpg|thumb|left|Bowl with fish ([[Victoria and Albert Museum]])]]
Excavations at Cahuachi have given archaeologists key insights into the culture. The material remains found at the site included large amounts of polychrome pottery, plain and fancy textiles, trace amounts of gold and ''spondylus'' shell, and an array of ritual paraphernalia. The remains of pottery found at Cahuachi led archaeologists to believe that the site was specifically non-urban and ceremonial in nature. The ratio of plain, utilitarian pottery to fine, polychrome pottery was 30% to 70%.<ref name = silverman1988>"Cahuachi: Non-Urban Cultural Complexity on the South Coast of Peru" by Helaine Silverman, ''Journal of Field Archaeology'' (1988), Volume 15, No. 4:403–430</ref> If it was an urban center, the amount of utilitarian ceramics would have probably been higher. Among the foodstuffs found were the Three Sisters: maize, squash, and beans; as well as peanuts, and some fish.

Construction at Cahuachi ceased.  It appears that the site was abandoned at the very end of Nazca 3/early Nazca 4. Although there are many possible reasons for the collapse of Cahuachi, most scholars believe that the cessation of ceremonial use of the site is associated with the pan-Andean drought.<ref name = Valdez1994/> Later (post-Cahuachi) Nazca society was structured in a similar fashion as it had been before, but less of an emphasis was made in constructing large architectural complexes like those at Cahuachi.<ref name = silver2002/>

===Religion===
Likely related to the arid and extreme nature of the environment, Nazca religious beliefs were based upon agriculture and fertility. Much of Nazca art depicts powerful nature gods, such as the mythical killer whale, the harvesters, the mythical spotted cat, the serpentine creature, and the most prevalent of worshiped figures, the anthropomorphic mythical being. Much as in the contemporary Moche culture based in northwest Peru, shamans apparently used hallucinogenic drugs, such as extractions from the San Pedro cactus, to induce visions. The use of such substances is also depicted in art found on pottery related to the Nazca.<ref name = silver2002/> Religious events and ceremonies took place in Cahuachi. The people worshiped the nature gods to aid in the growth of agriculture.
[[File:Nazca-chauchilla-c03.jpg|thumb|Nazca burials at the [[Chauchilla Cemetery]]]]
[[File:Das Grab einer Nazca Frau.jpg|thumb|Nazca burial place]]

During this time, all members of the society in surrounding villages would migrate to the center and participate in feasting as well. Non-elites could obtain highly valued goods, such as fancy polychrome pottery, through feasting. In exchange, the elites could enhance their political power and status while co-opting the commoners into labor and construction of the site.<ref name = silverman1988/>

==="Trophy heads"===
The debate over the purpose of trophy heads continues to this day, whether they were trophies of war or objects of ritual. Visual depictions of decapitations often associate the decapitators with weapons and military-like dress, but such garments could have been worn in purely ceremonial circumstances as well.<ref name= DeLeonardis2000>"The body Context: Interpreting Early Nasca Decapitation Burials" DeLeonardis, Lisa. ''Latin American Antiquity''. 2000. Vol. 11, No. 4, pp.&nbsp;363–368.</ref> The term 'trophy head' was coined by the archaeologist Max Uhle, who considered the depiction of severed heads in ancient Peruvian art to correspond to trophies of warfare.<ref name = silver2002/> Researchers noted that all the heads had one modification in common- a hole in the forehead through which a rope could be affixed, presumably so that the severed head can be displayed or carried. This added to the consensus that these were trophy heads.<ref name = brown1993>"A Cache of 48 Nasca Trophy Heads From Cerro Carapo, Peru" by David Browne, Helaine Silverman, and Ruben Garcia, ''Latin American Antiquity'' (1993), Volume 4,  No. 3: 274–294</ref>

Many burials of Nazca individuals are what is known as 'partial burials'. Partial burials typically include bundles of limbs, caches of severed heads, or bodies that are missing several parts.<ref name= DeLeonardis2000/> Several burials have been discovered in which the head of the skeleton is missing and is replaced with what is most commonly referred to as a 'head jar'. The head jar is a ceramic vessel with a human head painted on it, along with trees and plants sprouting from the head.

During the Middle Nazca period, the number of severed heads appeared to have increased dramatically, judging from the remains.  In the late Nazca period, the number tapered off, although the practice of decapitation remained a popular one in this period.<ref name= DeLeonardis2000/> Late Nazca iconography suggests that the prestige of the leaders of Late Nazca society was enhanced by successful headhunting.<ref name = brown1993/>

==Economy==
[[File:Orca mitica nasca.jpg|thumb|right|''Killer Whale'', Nazca Culture, pottery, [[Larco Museum]] (Lima, Perú)]]

Nazca subsistence was based largely on agriculture. Iconography on ceramics and excavated remains indicate that the Nazca people had a varied diet, composed of maize, squash, sweet potato, manioc and achira, and a small trace of various fish. They also used several non-food crops, such as cotton for textiles, coca, San Pedro cactus, and gourds.  The latter were decorated to illustrate activities in daily life. The evidence of coca in society can be seen through remains but also through ceramics. This is the same for the hallucinogenic San Pedro cactus, which has been illustrated in ceremonies on several polychrome pots and bowls. In terms of animal resources, the Nazca made sacrifices of llamas and guinea pigs at Cahuachi. Llamas were also commonly exploited as pack animals, for their wool, and as a source of meat.<ref name = silver2002/>

As archaeological evidence indicates thus far, sometime during the Middle Nazca period, the Nazca people created an aqueduct system to sustain life in the exceedingly arid environment. The exact date of construction of the ''puquios'' has been under contention for some time now. Dating of the ''puquios'' is quite difficult because of the materials involved in their construction. Attempts at dating the trenches have also been difficult as the ''puquios'' were found by [[Social:Excavation (archaeology)|excavation]].  This destroyed early context that might have been interpreted.<ref name = Schreiber1995>"The Puquios of Nasca" Schreiber, Katharina J. and Rojas, Josue Lancho. (1995) ''Latin American Antiquity''. Vol. 6, No. 3, pp.&nbsp;229–254.</ref> The most promising techniques used to date them thus far has been the AMS (accelerator mass spectrometry) analysis of [[Earth:Desert varnish|varnish]] that has collected on the rocks inside the ''puquios'', as well as the study of settlement patterns in the area.<ref>"New Chronometric Dates for the Puquios of Nasca, Peru" Clarkson, Persis B. and Dorn, Ronald I. (1995) ''Latin American Antiquity'', Vol. 6, No. 1, pp.&nbsp;56–69.</ref> These techniques have placed the original construction of the ''puquios'' at the Middle Nazca period, as indicated above.

The irrigation system was made up of underground channels, known as ''puquios'', which tapped into the [[Astronomy:Groundwater|subsurface water]]. The channels were dug into the mountainside until they reached the aquifers under the surface. The channels were lined with river rocks. They did not use any mortar so that the water would pass into the channels. The water was transported to irrigation canals (''acequias'') in order to directly supply water for agricultural purposes, or the water was deposited into small reservoirs (''kochas'') for later use.<ref name = Schreiber1995/> Numerous access holes or ''ojos'' (eyes) were placed along the surface of the underground channels and operated much in the same way that modern manholes do. People would descend into the ''puquios'' in order to clear obstructions or make repairs.<ref name = Schreiber1995/> It is difficult to tell how long these underground channels are because extant ''puquios'' have been altered and many of the puquios are too dangerous to explore underground. The length of the puquios are estimated by measuring the distances covered by the ojos.<ref name = Schreiber1995/>

Many of the channels remain in use to this day. This also testifies to their importance to generations of ancient people in the arid environment. With modern use, people have altered the ''puquios'' to be used more efficiently, including installing motorized pumps.  In some cases, the kochas have been lined with concrete in order to hold the water better.<ref name = Schreiber1995/> Some of the best-preserved channels are those located in Cantalloc.<ref name = silverman1988/>

==Arts and technology==

===Pottery===
[[File:Double-Spout, Bridge-Handle Vessel, 325-440,41.423.jpg|thumbnail|Double-Spout, Bridge-Handle Vessel, Brooklyn Museum]]
The Nazca culture is characterized by its beautiful polychrome pottery, painted with at least 15 distinct colors. The shift from post-fire resin painting to pre-fire [[Chemistry:Slip (ceramics)|slip]] painting marked the end of [[Social:Paracas culture|Paracas]]-style pottery and the beginning of Nazca-style pottery. The use of pre-fire slip painting meant that a great deal of experimentation took place in order to know which slips produced certain colors. Major pottery shapes include double-spout bottles, bowls, cups, vases, effigy forms, and mythical creatures. Archaeologists have excavated highly valued polychrome pottery among all classes of Nazca society, illustrating that it was not just the elite that had access to them. Commoners were able to obtain these goods through feasting and pilgrimages to Cahuachi. In addition, clays matching the chemical signature of polychrome pottery found all over the Southern Nazca Region have been found near Cahuachi. However, there is no substantial evidence of pottery production at Cahuachi. The site was most likely a redistribution center for ceramics.<ref>"Moving Beyond Iconography: Neutron Activation Analysis of Ceramics from Marcaya, Peru" Vaughn, Kevin J. and Neff, Hector. ''Journal of Field Archaeology''. (2000) Vol. 27, No. 1, pp.&nbsp;75–90.</ref>

The Nazca pottery sequence has been divided into nine phases. Visual depictions found on pottery from Phase 1 (also called Proto-Nazca) incorporated realistic subject matter such as fruits, plants, people, and animals. Realism increased in importance in the following three phases (2, 3, 4) referred to as the Monumental phases. The pottery from these phases include renditions of their main subject matter against a bold red, black, or white background.

In the next phase, Nazca 5, considerable experimentation occurred, including the addition of rays, volutes, and other "proliferous" attachments to the supernatural motifs on the vessels. Phase 5 is called Transitional, since it bridges the change in style between the naturalism of Phases 2-4 and the proliferous elements added to the motifs in Phases 6 and 7.
[[File:Nazca - Lobster Effigy Vessel - Walters 20092055 - Three Quarter.jpg|thumb|Lobster effigy vessel, phases III-IV]]

Nazca 6, and 7 include some of the earlier motifs but also emphasizes militaristic ones, suggesting a shift in social organization. The motifs in these phases include abstract elements as part of the design. Large numbers of rays and tassels are appended to many of the designs, particularly those depicting mythical subjects, producing a visual impression of almost infinitely multiplied elements, an impression which accounts for the use of the term 'proliferous'.<ref>''From Monumental to Proliferous in Nasca Pottery'' by Richard Roark (1965) Nawpa Pacha 3:2</ref> Art found on pottery in relation to Nazca phases 6 and 7 also display an influence from the [[Social:Moche culture|Moche culture]] of north coastal Peru. Finally, Nazca 8 saw the introduction of completely disjointed figures and a geometric iconography which is difficult to decipher. Phases 8 and 9 are now believed to date to the Middle Horizon, reflecting a shift in power from the coast to the highlands with the advent of the [[Social:Wari culture|Wari]] culture about 650 CE.<ref name = silver2002/>

The Nazca, like all other Pre-Columbian societies in South America including the Inca, had no writing system, in contrast to the contemporary Maya of Mesoamerica. The iconography or symbols on their ceramics served as a means of communication. The motifs depicted on Nazca pottery fall into two major categories: sacred and profane. The Nazca believed in powerful nature spirits who were thought to control most aspects of life. The Nazca visualized these nature spirits in the form of mythical beings, creatures having a combination of human and animal/bird/fish characteristics, and painted them onto their pottery. These Mythical Beings include such varieties as the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being, Horrible Bird, Mythical Killer Whale, Spotted Cat, Feline Man and Rayed Face.<ref>''A Sourcebook of Nasca Ceramic Iconography'' by Donald A. Proulx (2006) University of Iowa Press</ref> <ref>{{Cite book|title=Der Nasca-Ikonenkomplex: Seine mythischen Gestalten und ihre Entwicklung, erschlossen aus den Darstellungen gegenständlicher Bildwerke/Nasca Iconography. Its mythical figures and their Evolution, established on the Basis of Pictorial Works|last=Clados|first=Christiane|publisher=Free University Berlin|year=2001|isbn=|location=Free University Berlin|pages=98-105}}</ref> Scenes of warfare, decapitation, and the ritual use of human trophy heads by shamans reflect other aspects of Nazca culture.

===Textiles===
[[File:Paracas mantle, BM.jpg|thumb|300px|Nazca mantle from [[Social:Paracas culture|Paracas]] Necropolis, 0-100 CE This is a "double fish" (probably sharks) design. Brooklyn Museum collections.]]

The Nazca are also known for their technically complex textiles. The textiles were most likely woven by women at habitation sites from spun cotton and wool.<ref name = silver2002/> The textiles would have been made using a backstrap loom.  This is similar to the way textiles are made in the region today.<ref name = silver2002/> Textiles were woven with the common motifs earlier than they appeared painted on pottery. The dry desert has preserved the textiles of both the Nazca and [[Social:Paracas culture|Paracas culture]]s, which comprise most of what is known about early textiles in the region.

Shawls, dresses, tunics, belts, and bags have been found through excavations at Cahuachi and elsewhere. Many textiles associated with the Nazca culture are garments that were included with grave goods found at burial sites. Almost every body found is wrapped (sometimes partially) in a textile as a part of burial ritual. These textiles are found with partial burials as well. Often piles of bones are found wrapped in a textile garment.<ref name= DeLeonardis2000/> The deposits of dresses and shawls contained both high-status garments (with feathers, painting, embroidery) and plain garments, suggesting different social roles or responsibilities. Mary Frame's extensive analysis of textiles from Cahuachi has revealed more about Nazca women.  She noted that although the women are rarely recognized in the archaeological record, they had ready access to high-status materials and the right to wear potent imagery on their garments,<ref>"What the Women Were Wearing" by Mary Frame, Textile Museum Journal (2003/04), Volume 42-43:13–53</ref> which gave an indication of their status. A large portion of dresses were found portraying birds with speckled bodies, double-headed serpentine figures, and anthropomorphic figures.

===Nazca Lines===
{{main|Nazca Lines}}
[[File:Nazca-lineas-perro-c01.jpg|thumb|left|"The Dog" from the air]]
The geoglyphs of Nazca or "[[Astronomy:Nazca Lines|Nazca Lines]]" are a series of geometric shapes, miles of lines, and large drawings of animal figures (some as large as a football field) constructed on the desert floor in the Nazca region.<ref name = Aveni2000>"Between the Lines: The Mystery of the Giant Ground Drawings of Ancient Nasca, Peru" Aveni, Anthony F. University of Texas Press. Austin. 2000.</ref> Many theories have arisen about the great geoglyphs. A large number of people over an extended period of time could have constructed the lines.  Researchers have demonstrated techniques to see how this was done.

By extending a rope between two posts and removing the red pebbles on the desert surface along the rope, the lines could be constructed. The contrast of the red desert pebbles and the lighter earth beneath would make the lines visible from a high altitude. Due to the simplistic construction of the geoglyphs, regular amounts of rainfall would have easily eroded the drawings but the dry desert environment has preserved the lines for hundreds of years.

The purpose of the lines continues to be debated. Some researchers theorize they were created for the gods to look upon them from above, while others suggest they were some sort of calendar with astronomical alignments that would aid in planting and harvesting of crops. Others have thought the lines were the pathways for important ceremonial processions.<ref name = Aveni2000/> The lines have been studied by experts of several disciplines. Anthropologists, archaeologists, and astronomers have all studied the lines,<ref name = silver2002/> but have not found conclusive evidence for any of the theories as to purpose.<ref name = Aveni2000/>

===Trephination and cranial manipulation===
Trephination was a primitive skull surgery used by the Nazca that relieved pressure on the brain from battle wounds or for ritual purposes. It entails the removal of one or more sections of bone from the skull (while the person is still alive). Evidence of trephination has been seen through the analysis of excavated skulls. Some of the skulls show signs of healing, evidence that some individuals who underwent the procedure had survived.

Elongated skulls, as a result of skull manipulation, were also seen in the excavations from Cahuachi. This effect was achieved by binding a cushion to an infant's forehead and a board to the back of the head. Archaeologists can only speculate as to why this was done to some of the skulls. Several theories suggest skull manipulation created an ethnic identity, formed the individual into a social being, or may have illustrated social status.<ref name = silver2002/>

{|
| [[File:Tropähenkopf Nazca Slg Ebnöther.jpg|thumb|Head Trophy of the Nazca culture.]]
| [[File:Krieger mit Trophäenkopf Peru Nazca Slg Ebnöther.jpg|thumb|Representation of a warrior holding a trophy head.]]
|}
{{Clear}}

==References==
{{Reflist}}

==Bibliography==
*''Local Differences and Time Differences in Nasca Pottery'' by Donald A. Proulx (1968) University of California Press
*''The Incas and their Ancestors: The Archaeology of Peru'' by Michael E. Moseley. 1992.
*''Cahuachi in the Ancient Nasca World'' Silverman, Helaine. University of Iowa Press. Iowa City. 1993.
*"The Archaeological Identification of an Ancient Peruvian Pilgrimage Center" by Helaine Silverman, ''World Archaeology'' 26, no. 1 (June 1994): 1–18
*"Paracas in Nazca: New data on the Early Horizon Occupation of the Rio Grande de drainage, Peru" Silverman, Helaine. (1994) ''Latin American Antiquity'', Vol. 5, No. 4, pp.&nbsp;359–382.
*''Early Nasca Needlework'' by Alan R''. (1996) Sawyer Laurence King. {{ISBN|1-85669-088-1}}
*Der Nasca-Ikonenkomplex: Seine mythischen Gestalten und ihre Entwicklung, erschlossen aus den Darstellungen gegenständlicher Bildwerke/Nasca Iconography. Its mythical Figures and their Evolution, established on the Basis of Pictorial Works, by Christiane Clados, Dissertation, Free University Berlin
*''The Nasca'' by Helaine Silverman and Donald A. Proulx. Blackwell Publishers. Malden. 2002.
*''Ancient Nazca Settlement and Society'' by Helaine Silverman (2002) University of Iowa Press
*''Irrigation and Society in the Peruvian Desert: The Puquios of Nasca'' by Katherine H. Schreiber , Josue Lancho Rojas, Lexington Books, Lanham, Maryland, 2003, {{ISBN|978-0739106419}}
*"What the Women Were Wearing" by Mary Frame, Textile Museum Journal (2003/04), Volume 42-43:13–53
*"Households, Crafts and Feasting in the Ancient Andes: The Village Context of Early Nasca Craft Consumption" by Kevin J. Vaughn, ''Latin American Antiquity'' (2004), Volume 15, No. 1:61–88
*"Burial Patterns and Sociopolitical Organization in Nasca 5 Society" by William Harris and Helaine Silverman, ''Andean Archaeology'' III (2006), Volume 3:374–400
*"A Compositional Perspective on the Origins of the Nasca Cult at Cahuachi" by Kevin J. Vaughn, ''Journal of Archaeological Science'' (2007), Volume 34, Issue 5:814–822
*''The Ancient Nasca World New Insights from Science and Archaeology'' by Rosa Lasaponara, Nicola Masini, Giuseppe Orefici, Springer International Publishing, 2016, {{doi|10.1007/978-3-319-47052-8}}

==External links==
*[http://libmma.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/compoundobject/collection/p15324coll10/id/35107 Ancient Peruvian ceramics: the Nathan Cummings collection by Alan R. Sawyer], an exhibition catalog from The Metropolitan Museum of Art (fully available online as PDF), which contains material on Nazca culture (see index)
*[http://www.famsi.org/research/nasca/ Nasca drawings collection, introduction], professional drawings of Nazca artifacts, by Christiane Clados
*[http://research.famsi.org/nazca/nazca_list.php?rowstart=0&_allSearch=&num_pages=&title=Nasca%20Drawing%20Collection&tab=nazca&num_pages=27 FAMSI Nasca drawings collection] 402 images
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