Social:Christian right

From HandWiki
Short description: Socially conservative political ideology rooted in Christianity

The Christian right, or the religious right, are Christian political factions which are characterized by their strong support of socially conservative and traditionalist policies.[1] Christian conservatives seek to influence politics and public policy with their interpretation of the teachings of Christianity.[2][3][4]

In the United States , the Christian right is an informal coalition which was formed around a core of predominantly White conservative Evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics.[2][5][6][7] The Christian right draws additional support from politically conservative mainline Protestants and members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.[5][8] The movement has its roots in American politics going back as far as the 1940s; it has been especially influential since the 1970s.[1][9][10][11][12] Its influence draws from grassroots activism as well as from focus on social issues and the ability to motivate the electorate around those issues.[13]

The Christian right is notable because it has advanced socially conservative positions on issues such as creationism in public education,[14] school prayer,[15] temperance,[16] Christian nationalism,[17] and Sunday Sabbatarianism,[18] as well as opposition to biological evolution,[14] embryonic stem cell research,[19] LGBT rights,[3][9][15][20] comprehensive sex education,[21][22] abortion,[15][23] and pornography.[24] Although the term Christian right is most commonly associated with politics in the United States, similar Christian conservative groups can be found in the political cultures of other Christian-majority countries.


The Christian right is "also known as the New Christian Right (NCR) or the Religious Right", although some consider the religious right to be "a slightly broader category than Christian Right".[10][25]

John C. Green of the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life states that Jerry Falwell used the label religious right to describe himself. Gary Schneeberger, vice president of media and public relations for Focus on the Family, states that "[t]erms like 'religious right' have been traditionally used in a pejorative way to suggest extremism. The phrase 'socially conservative evangelicals' is not very exciting, but that's certainly the way to do it."[26]

Evangelical leaders like Tony Perkins of the Family Research Council have called attention to the problem of equating the term Christian right with evangelicals. Although evangelicals constitute the core constituency of the Christian right, not all evangelicals fit the description, and a number of Roman Catholics are also members of the Christian right's core base.[5] The problem of description is further complicated by the fact that the label religious conservative or conservative Christian may apply to other religious groups as well. For instance, Anabaptist Christians (most notably Amish, Mennonites, Hutterites, the Bruderhof Communities, Schwarzenau Brethren, River Brethren and Apostolic Christians) are theologically, socially, and culturally conservative; however, there are no overtly political organizations associated with these Christian denominations, which are usually uninvolved, uninterested, apathetic, or indifferent towards politics.[27] Tim Keller, an Evangelical theologian and Presbyterian Church in America pastor, shows that Conservative Christianity (theology) predates the Christian right (politics), and that being a theological conservative didn't necessitate being a political conservative, that some political progressive views around economics, helping the poor, the redistribution of wealth, and racial diversity are compatible with theologically conservative Christianity.[28] Rod Dreher, a senior editor for The American Conservative, a secular conservative magazine, also argues the same differences, even claiming that a "traditional Christian" a theological conservative, can simultaneously be left on economics (economic progressive) and even a socialist at that while maintaining traditional Christian beliefs.[29]


Jerry Falwell, whose founding of the Moral Majority was a key step in the formation of the "New Christian Right"

In 1863, representatives from eleven Christian denominations in the United States organized the National Reform Association with the goal of adding a Christian amendment to the U.S. Constitution, in order to establish the country as a Christian state.[30] The National Reform Association is seen as one of the first organizations of the Christian right, through which adherents from several Christian denominations worked together to try to enshrine Christianity in American politics.[30]

Early organizations of the Christian right, such as the Christian Civic League of Maine founded in 1897, supported the aims of the temperance movement.[16]

Patricia Miller states that the "alliance between evangelical leaders and the Catholic bishops has been a cornerstone of the Christian Right for nearly twenty years".[31] Since the late 1970s, the Christian right has been a notable force in both the Republican Party and American politics when Baptist pastor Jerry Falwell and other Christian leaders began to urge conservative Christians to involve themselves in the political process. President Jimmy Carter's backing of the Equal Rights Amendment led to the development of the Christian right and the embrace of many evangelical conservatives to Republican Party candidates.[32] In response to the rise of the Christian right, the 1980 Republican Party platform assumed a number of its positions, including adding support for a restoration of school prayer. The past two decades have been an important time in the political debates and in the same time frame religious citizens became more politically active in a time period labeled the New Christian Right.[33] While the platform also opposed abortion[10][11][34] and leaned towards restricting taxpayer funding for abortions and passing a constitutional amendment which would restore protection of the right to life for unborn children,[34] it also accepted the fact that many Americans, including fellow Republicans, were divided on the issue.[34] Since about 1980, the Christian right has been associated with several institutions including the Moral Majority, the Christian Coalition, Focus on the Family and the Family Research Council.[35][36]

While the influence of the Christian right is typically traced to the 1980 Presidential election, Daniel K. Williams argues in God's Own Party that it had actually been involved in politics for most of the twentieth century. He also notes that the Christian right had previously been in alliance with the Republican Party in the 1940s through 1960s on matters such as opposition to communism and defending "a Protestant-based moral order".[37]

In light of the state atheism espoused by communist countries, secularization came to be seen by many Americans as the biggest threat to American and Christian values,[38][39] and by the 1980s Catholic bishops and evangelicals had begun to work together on issues such as abortion.[7][40][41]

The alienation of Southern Democrats from the Democratic Party contributed to the rise of the right, as the counterculture of the 1960s provoked fear of social disintegration. In addition, as the Democratic Party became identified with a pro-abortion rights position and with nontraditional societal values, social conservatives joined the Republican Party in increasing numbers.[42]

In 1976, U.S. President Jimmy Carter received the support of the Christian right largely because of his much-acclaimed religious conversion. However, Carter's spiritual transformation did not compensate for his liberal policies in the minds of Christian conservatives, as reflected in Jerry Falwell's criticism that "Americans have literally stood by and watched as godless, spineless leaders have brought our nation floundering to the brink of death."[43]

Ability to organize

Demonstrators at the 2004 March for Life in Washington, D.C.

The Christian Right has engaged in battles over abortion, euthanasia, contraception, pornography, gambling, obscenity, Christian nationalism, Sunday Sabbatarianism (concerning Sunday blue laws), state sanctioned prayer in public schools, textbook contents (concerning creationism), homosexuality, and sexual education.[17][18] The Supreme Court's decision to make abortion a constitutionally protected right in the 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling was the driving force behind the rise of the Christian Right in the 1970s.[44] Changing political context led to the Christian Right's advocacy for other issues, such as opposition to euthanasia and campaigning for abstinence-only sex education.[44]

Ralph Reed, the chairman of the Christian Coalition, stated that the 1988 presidential campaign of Pat Robertson was the 'political crucible' that led to the proliferation of Christian Right groups in the United States.[44]

Randall Balmer, on the other hand, has suggested that the New Christian Right Movement's rise was not centered around the issue of abortion, but rather Bob Jones University's refusal to comply with the Supreme Court's 1971 Green v. Connally ruling that permitted the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to collect penalty taxes from private religious schools that violated federal laws.[45]

Grassroots activism

Much of the Christian right's power within the American political system is attributed to their extraordinary turnout rate at the polls. The voters that coexist in the Christian right are also highly motivated and driven to get out a viewpoint on issues they care about. As well as high voter turnout, they can be counted on to attend political events, knock on doors and distribute literature. Members of the Christian right are willing to do the electoral work needed to see their candidate elected. Because of their high level of devotion, the Christian right does not need to monetarily compensate these people for their work.[13][46][needs update?]

Political leaders and institutions

Led by Robert Grant advocacy group Christian Voice, Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority, Ed McAteer's Religious Roundtable Council, James Dobson's Focus on the Family, Paul Weyrich's Free Congress Foundation and The Heritage Foundation,[47] and Pat Robertson's Christian Broadcasting Network, the new Religious Right combined conservative politics with evangelical and fundamentalist teachings.[35] The birth of the New Christian right, however, is usually traced to a 1979 meeting where televangelist Jerry Falwell was urged to create a "Moral Majority" organization.[36][48] In 1979, Weyrich was in a discussion with Falwell when he remarked that there was a "moral majority" of Americans ready to be called to political action.[47] Weyrich later recalled in a 2007 interview with the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel that after he mentioned the term "moral majority", Falwell "turned to his people and said, 'That's the name of our organization.'"[47]

Weyrich would then engineer a strong union between the Republican Party and many culturally conservative Christians.[47] Soon, Moral Majority became a general term for the conservative political activism of evangelists and fundamentalists such as Pat Robertson, James Robison, and Jerry Falwell.[43] Howard Schweber, Professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, writes that "in the past two decades", "Catholic politicians have emerged as leading figures in the religious conservative movement."[6]

Institutions in the United States

National organizations

One early attempt to bring the Christian right into American politics began in 1974 when Robert Grant, an early movement leader, founded American Christian Cause to advocate Christian ideological teachings in Southern California. Concerned that Christians overwhelmingly voted for President Jimmy Carter in 1976, Grant expanded his movement and founded Christian Voice to rally Christian voters behind socially conservative candidates. Prior to his alliance with Falwell, Weyrich sought an alliance with Grant.[49] Grant and other Christian Voice staff soon set up their main office at the headquarters of Weyrich's Heritage Foundation.[49] However, the alliance between Weyrich and Grant fell apart in 1978.[49]

In the late 1980s, Pat Robertson founded the Christian Coalition of America, building from his 1988 presidential run, with Republican activist Ralph Reed, who became the spokesman for the Coalition. In 1992, the national Christian Coalition, Inc., headquartered in Virginia Beach, Virginia, began producing voter guides, which it distributed to conservative Christian churches, both Protestant and Catholic, with the blessing of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of New York.[50] Under the leadership of Reed and Robertson, the Coalition quickly became the most prominent voice in the conservative Christian movement, its influence culminating with an effort to support the election of a conservative Christian to the presidency in 1996. In addition, they have encouraged the convergence of conservative Christian ideology with political issues, such as healthcare, the economy, education and crime.[51]

Political activists lobbied within the Republican party locally and nationally to influence party platforms and nominations.[16] More recently James Dobson's group Focus on the Family, based in Colorado Springs, and the Family Research Council in Washington D.C. have gained enormous respect from Republican lawmakers. While strongly advocating for these ideological matters, Dobson himself is warier of the political spectrum and much of the resources of his group are devoted to other aims such as media.[52] However, as a private citizen, Dobson has stated his opinion on presidential elections; on February 5, 2008, Dobson issued a statement regarding the 2008 presidential election and his strong disappointment with the Republican party's candidates.[53]

In an essay written in 1996, Ralph Reed argued against the moral absolutist tone of Christian right leaders, arguing for the Republican Party Platform to stress the moral dimension of abortion rather than placing emphasis on overturning Roe v. Wade. Reed believes that pragmatism is the best way to advocate for the Christian right.[54]

Partisan activity of churches

Overtly partisan actions by churches could threaten their 501(c)(3) tax-exempt status due to the Johnson Amendment of the Internal Revenue Code.[55] In one notable example, the former pastor of the East Waynesville Baptist Church in Waynesville, North Carolina "told the congregation that anyone who planned to vote for Democratic Sen. John Kerry should either leave the church or repent".[56] The church later expelled nine members who had voted for Kerry and refused to repent, which led to criticism on the national level. The pastor resigned and the ousted church members were allowed to return.[57]

The Alliance Defense Fund, a far-right group now known as the Alliance Defending Freedom, started the Pulpit Freedom Initiative[58] in 2008. ADF states that "[t]he goal of Pulpit Freedom Sunday is simple: have the Johnson Amendment declared unconstitutional – and once and for all remove the ability of the IRS to censor what a pastor says from the pulpit."[59]

Electoral activity

Both Christian right and secular polling organizations sometimes conduct polls to determine which presidential candidates will receive the support of Christian right constituents. One such poll is taken at the Family Research Council's Values Voter Summit.[60][61] George W. Bush's electoral success owed much to his overwhelming support from white evangelical voters, who comprise 23% of the vote. In 2000 he received 68% of the white evangelical vote; in 2004 that percentage rose to 78%.[62] In 2016, Donald Trump received 81% of the white evangelical vote.[63][64]


The Home School Legal Defense Association was co-founded in 1983 by Michael Farris, who would later establish Generation Joshua and Patrick Henry College, and Michael Smith. This organization attempts to challenge laws that serve as obstacles to allowing parents to home-school their children and to organize the disparate group of homeschooling families into a cohesive bloc. The number of homeschooling families has increased in the last twenty years, and around 80 percent of these families identify themselves as evangelicals.[65]

The main universities associated with the Christian right in the United States are:

  • Bob Jones University – Protestant Fundamentalist institution, founded in 1927.[66]
  • Christendom College – Roman Catholic institution, founded in 1977[67]
  • Liberty University – Baptist institution, founded in 1971[68]
  • Regent University – Evangelical Christian institution, founded in 1977[68]


The media has played a major role in the rise of the Christian right since the 1920s and has continued to be a powerful force for political Christianity today. The role of the media for the Religious right has been influential in its ability to connect Christian audiences to the larger American culture while at the same time bringing and keeping religion into play as both a political and a cultural force.[69] The political agenda of the Christian right has been disseminated to the public through a variety of media outlets including radio broadcasting, television, and literature.

Religious broadcasting began in the 1920s through the radio.[69] Between the 1950s and 1980s, TV became a powerful way for the Christian right to influence the public through shows such as Pat Robertson's The 700 Club and The Family Channel (now Freeform). The Internet has also helped the Christian right reach a much larger audience. These organizations' websites play a strong role in popularising the Christian right's stances on cultural and political issues, and inform interested viewers on how to get involved. The Christian Coalition, for example, has used the Internet to inform the public, as well as to sell merchandise and gather members.[70]



The Christian right strongly advocates for a system of educational choice, using a system of school vouchers, instead of public education. Vouchers would be government funded and could be redeemed for "a specified maximum sum per child per years if spent on approved educational services".[71] This method would allow parents to determine which school their child attends while relieving the economic burden associated with private schools. The concept is popular among constituents of church-related schools, including those affiliated with Roman Catholicism.


The Protestant members of the Christian right in the United States generally promote the teaching of creationism and intelligent design as opposed to, or alongside, biological evolution.[72][73][74][75] Some supporters of the Christian right have opposed the teaching of evolution in the past, but they did not have the ability to stop it being taught in public schools as was done during the Scopes Trial in Dayton, Tennessee, in which a science teacher went on trial for teaching about the subject of evolution in a public school.[76] Other "Christian right organizations supported the teaching of creationism, along with evolution, in public schools", specifically promoting theistic evolution (also known as evolutionary creationism) in which God is regarded as the originator of the process.[72][73]

Members of and organizations associated with the Christian right, such as the Discovery Institute, created and popularized the modern concept of intelligent design, which became widely known only with the publication of the book Of Pandas and People in 1989.[77] The Discovery Institute, through their intelligent design initiative called the Center for Science and Culture, has endorsed the teach the controversy approach. According to its proponents, such an approach would ensure that both the strengths and weaknesses of evolutionary theory were discussed in the curriculum.[78] This tactic was criticized by Judge John E. Jones III in Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District, describing it as "at best disingenuous, and at worst a canard."[79] The overwhelming majority of scientific research, both in the United States and elsewhere, has concluded that the theory of evolution, using the technical definition of the word theory, is the only viable explanation of the development of life, and an overwhelming majority of biologists strongly support its presentation in public school science classes.[80] Outside the United States, as well as among American Catholics and Mainline Protestants, Christian conservatives have generally come to accept the theory of evolution.[81][82][83][84][85]

Sex education

Some Christian groups advocate for the removal of sex education literature from public schools,[86] for parental opt-out of comprehensive sex education, or for abstinence-only sex education. Sam Harris has written that thirty percent of America's sex-education programs are abstinence based, and ineffective.[87]


The Christian right promotes homeschooling and private schooling as a valid alternative to public education for parents who object to the content being taught at school.[citation needed] In recent years, the percentage of children being homeschooled has risen from 1.7% of the student population in 1999 to 2.2% in 2003.[88] Much of this increase has been attributed to the desire to incorporate Christian teachings into the curriculum.[89] In 2003, 72% of parents who homeschooled their children cited the ability to provide religious or moral instruction as the reason for removing their children from public schools.[90] The Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District case established that creationism cannot be taught in public schools, and in response officials have increasingly appropriated public funds for charter schools that teach curricula like Accelerated Christian Education.[91]

Sunday Sabbatarianism

The Christian right is in favor of legislation that maintains and promotes Sunday Sabbatarianism, such as Sunday blue laws that forbid shopping and restrict the sale of alcohol on Sundays, which is the Lord's Day in mainstream Christianity.[18]

Role of government

Supporters of the Christian right have no one unified stance on the role of government since the movement is primarily one that advocates social conservatism; in fact, "struggles [have] broken out in state party organizations" between supporters of the Christian right and other conservatives.[92][93] It promotes conservative interpretations of the Bible as the basis for moral values and enforcing such values by legislation. Some members of the Christian right, especially Catholics, accept the Catholic Church's strong support for labor unions.

Church and state relations

The Christian right believes that separation of church and state is not explicit in the American Constitution, believing instead that such separation is a creation of what it claims are activist judges in the judicial system.[94][95][96] In the United States, the Christian right often supports their claims by asserting that the country was "founded by Christians as a Christian Nation."[97][98] Members of the Christian right take the position that the Establishment Clause bars the federal government from establishing or sponsoring a state church (e.g., the Church of England), but does not prevent the government from acknowledging religion. The Christian right points out that the term "separation of church and state" is derived from a letter written by Thomas Jefferson, not from the Constitution itself.[99][100][101] Furthermore, Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF) takes the view that the concept of "separation of church and state" has been used by the American Civil Liberties Union and its allies to inhibit public acknowledgment of Christianity and restrict the religious freedoms of Christians.[102]

Thus, Christian right leaders have argued that the Establishment Clause does not prohibit the display of religion in the public sphere. Leaders, therefore, believe that public institutions should be allowed, or even required, to display the Ten Commandments. This interpretation has been repeatedly rejected by the courts, which have found that such displays violate the Establishment Clause. Public officials though are prohibited from using their authority in which the primary effect is "advancing or prohibiting religion", according to the Lemon Supreme Court test, and there cannot be an "excessive entanglement with religion" and the government. Some, such as Bryan Fischer of the American Family Association, argue that the First Amendment, which specifically restricts Congress, applies only to the Congress and not the states. This position rejects the incorporation of the Bill of Rights.[103]

Generally, the Christian right supports the presence of religious institutions within government and the public sphere, and advocates for fewer restrictions on government funding for religious charities and schools. Both Catholics and Protestants, according to a 2005 Gallup study, have been supportive of school prayer in public schools.[73][104]


Early American fundamentalists, such as John R. Rice[105][106] often favored laissez-faire economics and were outspoken critics of the New Deal and later the Great Society.[105] The contemporary Christian right supports economic conservative policies such as tax cuts and social conservative policies such as child tax credits.[107][108]

Middle East

Many evangelical Protestant supporters of the religious right have strongly supported the state of Israel in recent decades, encouraging support for Israel within the United States government.[109] Some of them have linked Israel to Biblical prophesies; for example, Ed McAteer, founder of the Moral Majority, said "I believe that we are seeing prophecy unfold so rapidly and dramatically and wonderfully and, without exaggerating, makes me breathless."[110] This belief, an example of dispensationalism, arises from the idea that the establishment of Israel is a prerequisite for the Second Coming of Jesus, because it represents the Biblically prophesied Gathering of Israel. A 2017 poll indicates that this belief is held by 80% of evangelicals, and that half of evangelicals consider it an important cause of their support for the state of Israel.[111]

During the Lebanese Civil War that started in 1975 and ended in 1990, many Christian parties endorsed the right's political viewpoints such as the Christian Lebanese phalanges which is known as the Kataeb Party, and later, the right's political viewpoints were also endorsed by the Lebanese Armed Forces because their power and influence were threatened by the growing power and influence of the more radical Islamist and left-wing movements, such as the Shiite Amal Movement, and the Progressive Socialist Party in the 1980s.

Abortion and contraception

Historically, large percentages of American Catholics and Evangelical Protestants oppose and have opposed abortion,[112] believing that life begins at conception and that abortion is murder. Therefore, those in the movement have worked toward the overturning of Roe v. Wade (1973), and Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992). The Christian right has also supported incremental steps to make abortion less available. Such efforts include bans on late-term abortion (including intact dilation and extraction),[113] prohibitions against Medicaid funding and other public funding for elective abortions, removal of taxpayer funding for Planned Parenthood and other organizations that provide abortion services, legislation requiring parental consent or notification for abortions performed on minors,[114] legal protections for unborn victims of violence, legal protections for infants born alive following failed abortions, and bans on abortifacient medications.

The Christian right element in the Reagan coalition strongly supported him in 1980, in the belief that he would appoint Supreme Court justices to overturn Roe v. Wade. They were astonished and dismayed when his first appointment was Sandra Day O'Connor, whom they feared would tolerate abortion. They worked hard to defeat her confirmation but failed.[115]

The Christian right contends that morning-after pills such as Plan B and Ella are possible abortifacients, able to interfere with a fertilized egg's implantation in the uterine wall.[116] The labeling mandated by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for Plan B and Ella state that they may interfere with implantation, but according to a June 2012, The New York Times article, many scientists believe that they work only by interfering with ovulation and are arguing to have the implantation language removed from product labels. The Christian right maintains that the chemical properties of morning-after pills make them abortifacients and that the politics of abortion is influencing scientific judgments. Jonathan Imbody of the Christian Medical Association says he questions "whether ideological considerations are driving these decisions."[116] Specifically, many Catholic members, as well as some conservative Protestant members, of the Christian right have campaigned against contraception altogether.[117][118]

The Roberts Court in 2020. This court oversaw the landmark United States Supreme Court case Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization in 2022.[119]

In May 2022, Politico published a leaked draft majority opinion, written by Justice Samuel Alito.[120] It would overturn Roe and Casey by nullifying the specific privacy rights in question, eliminating federal involvement, and leaving the issue to be determined by the states. Through a statement made by the Chief Justice of the United States, John Roberts, the Court confirmed the document's authenticity but said that it was not a final decision or the Justice's final decision, which was expected by June or July.

The decision was issued on June 24, 2022, ruling 6–3 to reverse the lower court rulings; a more narrow 5–4 ruling overturned Roe and Casey. The majority opinion stated that abortion was not a constitutional right, and that states should have discretion in regulating abortion. The majority opinion, written by Alito, was substantially similar to the leaked draft. Chief Justice Roberts agreed with the judgment upholding the Mississippi law but did not join the majority in the opinion to overturn Roe and Casey.


Due to the Christian right's views regarding ethics and to an extent due to negative views of eugenics common to most ideologies in North America, it has worked for the regulation and restriction of certain applications of biotechnology. In particular, the Christian right opposes therapeutic and reproductive human cloning, championing a 2005 United Nations ban on the practice, and human embryonic stem cell research, which involves the extraction of one or more cells from a human embryo.[19] The Christian right supports research with adult stem cells, amniotic stem cells, and induced pluripotent stem cells which do not use cells from human embryos, as they view the harvesting of biological material from an embryo lacking the ability to give permission as an assault on a living being.

The Christian right also opposes euthanasia, and, in one highly publicized case, took an active role in seeking governmental intervention to prevent Terri Schiavo from being deprived of nutrition and hydration.

Opposition to drugs

The Christian right has historically supported the temperance movement, thus supporting causes such as maintaining Sunday blue laws, adding alcohol packaging warning messages to bottles and limiting alcohol advertising.[16] It has advocated for the prohibition of drugs and has opposed efforts to legalize marijuana.[121]

Sex and sexuality

The modern roots of the Christian right's views on sexual matters were evident in the years 1950s–1960s, a period in which many conservative Christians in the United States viewed sexual promiscuity as not only excessive, but in fact as a threat to their ideal vision of the country.[20]:30 Beginning in the 1970s, conservative Christian protests against promiscuity began to surface, largely as a reaction to the "permissive Sixties" and changes in sexual behavior confirmed by Roe v. Wade and the LGBT rights movement. The Christian right proceeded to make sexuality issues a priority political cause.[20]:28 Anita Bryant organized Save Our Children, a widespread campaign to oppose legislation prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in Miami-Dade County, Florida.[122] The group argued that gay people were "recruiting" or "molesting children" in order to make them gay.[122] Bryant infamously claimed that "As a mother, I know that homosexuals cannot biologically reproduce children; therefore, they must recruit our children," and also claimed that "If gays are granted rights, next we'll have to give rights to prostitutes and to people who sleep with St. Bernards and to nail biters."[123] The Bryant campaign achieved success in repealing some city anti-discrimination laws, and proposed other citizen initiatives such as a failed California ballot question designed to ban gay people or those who supported LGBT rights from holding public teaching jobs. Bryant's campaign attracted widespread opposition and boycotts which put her out of business and destroyed her reputation.

From the late 1970s onwards, some conservative Christian organizations such as the Christian Broadcasting Network, Focus on the Family, Concerned Women for America, the American Family Association, and the Christian Coalition of America, along with right-wing Christian hate groups such as the Westboro Baptist Church, have been outspoken against LGBT rights.[1][2][3][15] Late in 1979, a new religious revival among conservative Evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics ushered in the Republican coalition politically aligned with the Christian right that would reign in the United States between the years 1970s and 1980s, becoming another obstacle for the progress of the LGBTQ rights movement.[1][2][3][15] During the HIV/AIDS epidemic of the 1980s, LGBTQ communities were further stigmatized as they became the focus of mass hysteria, suffered isolation and marginalization, and were targeted with extreme acts of violence.[124]

The Christian right champions itself as the "self-appointed conscience of American society". During the 1980s, the movement was largely dismissed by political pundits and mainstream religious leaders as "a collection of buffoonish has-beens". Later, it re-emerged, better organized and more focused, taking firm positions against abortion, pornography, sexual deviancy, and extreme feminism.[24][125]:4 Beginning around the presidency of Donald Trump, Christian conservatives have largely refrained from engaging in debates about sexual morality.[126]

Influential Christian right organizations at the forefront of the anti-gay rights movement in the United States include Focus on the Family, Family Research Council, and the Family Research Institute.[20]:15–16 An important stratagem in Christian right anti-gay politics is in its rejection of "the edicts of a Big Brother" state, allowing it to profit from "a general feeling of discontent and demoralization with government". As a result, the Christian right has endorsed smaller government, restricting its ability to arbitrate in disputes regarding values and traditions. In this context, gay rights laws have come to symbolize the government's allegedly unconstitutional "[interference] with individual freedom".[20]:170–171

The central tenets of Focus on the Family and similar organizations, such as the Family Research Council, emphasise issues such as abortion and the necessity of gender roles. A number of organizations, including the New Christian Right, "have in various ways rejected liberal America in favor of the regulation of pornography, anti-abortion legislation, the criminalization of homosexuality, and the virtues of faithfulness and loyalty in sexual partnerships", according to sociologist Bryan Turner.[23]

A large number of the Christian right view same-sex marriage as a central issue in the culture wars, more so than other gay rights issues and even more significantly than abortion.[125]:57[dubious ] The legalization of same-sex marriage in Massachusetts in 2004 changed the Christian right, causing it to put its opposition to these marriages above most other issues. It also created previously unknown interracial and ecumenical coalitions, and stimulated new electoral activity in pastors and congregations.[125]:58


Criticisms of the Christian right often come from Christians who believe Jesus' message was centered on social responsibility and social justice. Theologian Michael Lerner has summarized: "The unholy alliance of the Political Right and the Religious Right threatens to destroy the America we love. It also threatens to generate a revulsion against God and religion by identifying them with militarism, ecological irresponsibility, fundamentalist antagonism to science and rational thought, and insensitivity to the needs of the poor and the powerless."[127] Commentators from all sides of the aisle such as Rob Schenck, Randall Balmer, and Charles M. Blow criticized the Christian right for its tolerance and embrace of Donald Trump during the 2016 presidential election despite Trump's failure to adhere to any of the principles advocated by the Christian right groups for decades.[128][129] In a 2023 interview with NPR, Russell D. Moore stated that he had come to believe that Christianity was "in a crisis" after hearing multiple pastors speak of congregation members rejecting quotes from the Sermon on the Mount as "liberal talking points" and not backing down upon being informed of their source.[130]

Interpretation of Christianity

One argument which questions the legitimacy of the Christian right posits that Jesus Christ may be considered a leftist on the modern political spectrum. Jesus' concern with the poor and feeding the hungry, among other things, are argued, by proponents of Christian leftism, to be core attributes of modern-day socialism and social justice.[131][132][133] However, others [who?] contend that while Jesus' concern for the poor and hungry is virtuous and that individuals have a moral obligation to help others, the relationship between charity and the state should not be construed in the same manner.[134][135]

According to Frank Newport of Gallup, "there are fewer Americans today who are both highly religious and liberal than there are Americans who are both highly religious and conservative." Newport also noted that 52% of white conservatives identify as "highly religious" while only 16% of white liberals identify as the same. However, African-Americans, "the most religious of any major racial or ethnic group in the country", are "strongly oriented to voting Democratic". While observing that African-American Democrats are more religious than their white Democrat counterparts, Newport further noted, however, that African-American Democrats are "much more likely to be ideologically moderate or conservative."[136]

Some criticize what they see as a politicization of Christianity because they say Jesus transcends political concepts.[137][138]

Mikhail Gorbachev referred to Jesus as "the first Socialist".[139][140]

Race and diversity

The Christian right has tried to recruit social conservatives in the black church.[141] Prior to the 2016 United States presidential election, African-American Republican Ben Carson emerged as a leader of the Christian right.[142] Other Christian African-Americans who identify with conservatism are Supreme Court justice Clarence Thomas,[143] rapper Kanye West,[144] Alveda King, and pastor Tony Evans.[145][146]

LGBT rights

Whilst the Christian right in the United States generally identifies with aspects of LGBT rights opposition, other Christian movements argue that the biblical texts only oppose specific types of divergent sexual behaviour, such as paederasty (i.e. sexual intercourse between boys and men).[147][148][149][150] During the Trump administration, there was a growing push[who?] for religious liberty bills, aimed to exempt individuals and businesses from anti-discrimination laws intended to protect LGBT people, if they claimed that their actions were motivated by religious beliefs.[citation needed] Among the most powerful organizations that promoted anti-LGBT and anti-transgender legislation under the Trump administration is the Alliance Defending Freedom.[151]

Use of dominionism labeling

Some social scientists have used the word "dominionism" to refer to adherence of dominion theology,[152][153][154] as well as to the influence in the broader Christian Right of ideas inspired by Dominion Theology.[152] Although such influence (particularly of Reconstructionism) has been described by many authors,[36][155] full adherents to Reconstructionism are few and marginalized among conservative Christians.[36][156][157] In the early 1990s, sociologist Sara Diamond[158][159] defined dominionism in her PhD dissertation as a movement that, while it includes Dominion Theology and Reconstructionism as subsets, is much broader in scope, extending to much of the Christian Right.[160] She was followed by journalists who included Frederick Clarkson[161][162] and Chris Hedges[163][164][165] and others who have stressed the influence of Dominionist ideas on the Christian right.[166][167][168][169][170][171][172][173][174][175]

The terms "dominionist" and "dominionism" are rarely used for self-description, and their usage has been attacked from right-leaning quarters. Stanley Kurtz labeled it "conspiratorial nonsense", "political paranoia", and "guilt by association",[176] and decried Hedges' "vague characterizations" that allow him to "paint a highly questionable picture of a virtually faceless and nameless 'Dominionist' Christian mass."[177] Kurtz also complained about a perceived link between average Christian evangelicals and extremism such as Christian Reconstructionism:

The notion that conservative Christians want to reinstitute slavery and rule by genocide is not just crazy, it's downright dangerous. The most disturbing part of the Harper's cover story (the one by Chris Hedges) was the attempt to link Christian conservatives with Hitler and fascism. Once we acknowledge the similarity between conservative Christians and fascists, Hedges appears to suggest, we can confront Christian evil by setting aside "the old polite rules of democracy." So wild conspiracy theories and visions of genocide are really excuses for the Left to disregard the rules of democracy and defeat conservative Christians – by any means necessary.[176]

Lisa Miller of Newsweek said that many warnings about "dominionism" are "paranoid" and she also said that "the word creates a siege mentality in which 'we' need to guard against 'them.'"[178] Ross Douthat of The New York Times noted that "many of the people that writers like Diamond and others describe as 'dominionists' would disavow the label, many definitions of dominionism conflate several very different Christian political theologies, and there's a lively debate about whether the term is even useful at all."[179] According to Joe Carter of First Things, "the term was coined in the 1980s by Diamond and is never used outside liberal blogs and websites. No reputable scholars use the term for it is a meaningless neologism that Diamond concocted for her dissertation",[180] while Jeremy Pierce of First Things coined the word "dominionismist" to describe those who promote the idea that there is a dominionist conspiracy.[181]

Another criticism has focused on the proper use of the term. Berlet wrote that "some critics of the Christian Right have stretched the term dominionism past its breaking point",[182] and argued that, rather than labeling conservatives as extremists, it would be better to "talk to these people" and "engage them".[183] Sara Diamond wrote that "[l]iberals' writing about the Christian Right's take-over plans has generally taken the form of conspiracy theory", and argued that instead one should "analyze the subtle ways" that ideas like Dominionism "take hold within movements and why."[184]

Dan Olinger, a professor at the fundamentalist Bob Jones University in Greenville, South Carolina, said, "We want to be good citizens and participants, but we're not really interested in using the iron fist of the law to compel people to do everything Christians should do."[185] Bob Marcaurelle, interim pastor at Mountain Springs Baptist Church in Piedmont, said the Middle Ages were proof enough that Christian ruling groups are almost always corrupted by power. "When Christianity becomes the government, the question is whose Christianity?" Marcaurelle asked.[186][187]

Movements outside the United States

While the Christian Right is a strong movement in the United States, it also has a presence in Canada. Alan Curtis suggests that the American Christian right "is a phenomenon that is very hard for Europeans to understand."[188][189] Robin Pettitt, a professor at Kingston University London, states, however, that like the Christian right in the US, Christian Democratic movements in Europe and Latin America are "equally driven by the debate over the role of the state and the church in political, social and moral life."[190]


Religion has been a key factor in Canadian politics since well before the Canadian Confederation was established in 1867, when the Conservatives were the party of traditionalist Catholics and Anglicans and the Liberals were the party of Protestant dissenters and anti-clerical Catholics. This pattern largely remained until the mid-twentieth century when a new division emerged between the Christian left (represented by the Social Gospel philosophy and ecumenicism) and the Christian right (represented by fundamentalism and biblical literalism). The Christian left (along with the secular and anti-religious left) became supporters of the New Democratic Party while the right moved to the Social Credit Party, especially in Western Canada, and to a lesser extent the Progressive Conservatives.

The Social Credit Party, founded in 1935, represented a major change in Canadian religious politics. Until that time, fundamentalists had shunned politics as "worldly", and a distraction from the proper practice of religion. However, the new party was founded by fundamentalist radio preacher and Bible school teacher William Aberhart or "Bible Bill". Aberhart mixed his own interpretation of scripture and prophecy with the monetary reform theories of social credit to create a movement that swept across Alberta, winning the provincial election of 1935 in a landslide. Aberhart and his disciple Ernest Manning then governed the province for the next forty years, several times trying to expand into the rest of Canada. In 1987 Manning's son, Preston Manning, founded the new Reform Party of Canada, which soon became the main party of the religious right. It won majorities of the seats in Western Canada in repeated elections, but was unable to break through in Eastern Canada, though it became the official opposition from 1997 to 2003 (Reform was renamed the Canadian Alliance in 2000). In 2003 the Canadian Alliance and the Progressive Conservatives merged to create the Conservative Party of Canada, led by Stephen Harper, a member of the Christian and Missionary Alliance, who went on to become prime minister in 2006.

The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, introduced by the patriation of the Canadian Constitution in 1982, has been controversial within the Christian right in Canada. Although this Charter entrenches rights and freedoms (such as the freedom of religion) that central in the belief systems of the Christian right, it has also been interpreted by the Supreme Court of Canada to strike down many laws supported by the Christian right. In 1982, the Supreme Court struck down Canada's Lords' Day Act, which required many stored to be closed on Sundays, as an infringement the freedom of conscience and religion. Abortion, partly decriminalized in 1969 by an act of Parliament, was completely decriminalized after the two R. v. Morgentaler cases (in 1988 and in 1993). Parliament attempted to pass a new law governing abortion in 1993, but this legislation failed after a tie vote in the Senate. A series of provincial superior court decisions which legalized same-sex marriage led the federal government to introduce legislation that legalized same-sex marriage in all of Canada. Before he took office, former Conservative prime minister Stephen Harper stated that he would hold a free vote on the issue,[191] and declared the issue closed after it was voted down in the House of Commons in 2006.[192]

In 2013, the Supreme Court struck down Canada's prostitution law in Canada v Bedford, prompting the Stephen Harper government to introduce a new prostitution law fashioned after the Nordic Model. In 2015, the Supreme Court struck down Canada's prohibition on euthanasia in Carter v Canada, again leading Parliament to pass a new law governing euthanasia. The Christian right has been critical of all these judicial decisions and have generally been the greatest advocates for the stringent laws against abortion, same-sex marriage, prostitution, and euthanasia, though in differing degrees. For instance, the Christian right in Canada is strongly and vocally organized on the topic of abortion, but criticism of same-sex marriage is far more seldom.[citation needed]

The Caribbean, Latin America, and Sub-Saharan Africa

Christian right politics in the Caribbean, Latin America, and Sub-Saharan Africa is strongly connected with the growing propagation of the Evangelical-Pentecostal movement in the Global South and Third World countries.[193][194][195][196] Roman Catholics in the Caribbean, Latin America, and Sub-Saharan Africa, despite being normally socially conservative, tend to be more left-wing in economics[197][198] due to the traditional teachings of the Catholic social doctrine.[196] Evangelical-Pentecostal Christians, on the other hand, are mostly from the neo-Pentecostal movement, and thus believers in the Prosperity theology that justifies most of their neoliberal economic ideas.[193][196][199][200] They are also strongly socially conservative, even for Latin American standards.[196]


In the Netherlands, Calvinist Protestants have long had their own political parties, now called the Reformed Political Party (SGP) on the right, and the ChristianUnion (CU) in the center. For generations they operated their own newspapers and broadcasting association. The SGP has about 28,000 members, and three out of 150 members of the Dutch parliament's lower house. It has always been in opposition to the government.[201]


The Christian right draws from both Catholics and Protestants in Australia. Historically, the first Christian right party was the Democratic Labor Party.[202] The Democratic Labor Party was formed in 1955 as a split from the Australian Labor Party (ALP). In Victoria, and New South Wales, state executive members, parliamentarians and branch members associated with the Industrial Groups or B. A. Santamaria and "The Movement" (and therefore strongly identified with Roman Catholicism) were expelled from the party, and formed the Democratic Labor Party (DLP). Later in 1957, a similar split occurred in Queensland, with the resulting group subsequently joining the DLP. The party also had sitting members from Tasmania and New South Wales at various times, though it was much stronger in the former mentioned states. The goals of the party were anti communism, the decentralization of industry, population, administration and ownership.[203] The party decided, in its view that the ALP was filled with communists, that it would preference the ruling conservative Liberal and Country parties over the ALP.[204] However, it was more morally conservative, militantly anti-communist and socially compassionate than the Liberals. The DLP heavily lost ground in the federal election of 1974 that saw its primary vote cut by nearly two-thirds, and the election of an ALP government. The DLP never regained its previous support in subsequent elections and formally disbanded in 1978, but a small group within the party refused to accept this decision and created a small, reformed successor party (now the Democratic Labour Party). Though his party was effectively gone, Santamaria and his National Civic Council (NCC) took a strong diametrically opposed stance to dominant Third Way/neoliberal/New Right tendencies within both the ALP and Liberal parties throughout the eighties and early nineties.

The B. A Santamaria and the Democratic Labor party produced many alumni who became the base of the Christian right in Australia. In Liberal party, these were Tony Abbott and Kevin Andrews.[202] Outside the Liberal party, conservative commentator's such as Greg Sheridan and Gerrard Henderson also had links to Santamaria. Within the Australian Labor Party (ALP), this alumni can be found in the Shop, Distributive and Allied Employees Association (SDA), which de-affiliated from the ALP with the industrial Groups in the 1950s, and then re-affiliated in the 1980s.[205] The SDA opposed gay marriage and abortion, which were some reasons for workers to form another competing union.[206] Tony Burke, who opposed euthanasia, came from the SDA.[207][208] Currently, the NCC functions as a minority organization within the Christian Right.

The more Protestant strands of the Christian Right have been far more diverse. Fundamentalist Christianity directly inspired Fred Nile and his parties. Nile in 1967–68 was assistant director of the Billy Graham Crusade in Sydney. The Christian Democratic Party (initially known as the "Call to Australia" party) is on the strongly religious conservative end of the Australian political spectrum, promoting social conservatism, opposing gay rights and abortion.[209] It gained 9.1% of the vote in the New South Wales (NSW) state election of 1981, Its support base has generally been restricted to NSW and Western Australia, where it usually gains between 2–4% of votes, with its support being minuscule in other states. The party started to fall apart in 2019 when the moderate faction member, Paul Green, lost his seat, and when a faction of younger people attempted to dismiss the governing board.[210][211] Whilst this failed, it opened up a rift between the traditional party factions that led to prolonged legal disputes and the party winding up in 2022.[212] Fred Nile would quickly join a new party.[213] The Family First Party is a former political party which was linked with Pentecostal Church and other smaller Christian denominations, and was also identified with the strongly religious conservative end of the Australian political spectrum. It has had one or two members in the SA parliament since 2002, and in 2004 also managed to elect a Victorian senator. Its electoral support is small, with the largest constituencies being South Australia (4–6%), and Victoria (around 4%). Family First generally receives lower support in national elections than in state elections. Family First was merged with the Australian Conservatives Party in 2017.[214]

Outside of the Catholic links to B.A. Santamaria and the minor Protestant parties, some party members of the Liberal and National Party Coalition and the Australian Labor Party also support some of the values of the Christian right on abortion and gay rights. The Australian Christian Lobby argues for opposition to same-sex marriage in state and federal politics.[215]

Other countries

In Northern Ireland, Ian Paisley led a Protestant fundamentalist party, the Democratic Unionist Party, which had a considerable influence on the province's culture.[216][217] For a time after the 2017 United Kingdom general election, the DUP provided confidence and supply to the governing Conservative Party, although this agreement provoked concern from socially liberal elements of the party about possible DUP influence on social policy.[218] Although there is no evidence this occurred. Karen Armstrong has mentioned British evangelical leader Colin Urquhart as advocating positions similar to the Christian Right.[219] Some members of the Conservative Party including Jacob Rees-Mogg, Nadine Dorries, Matthew Offord and Peter Bone also support some of the values of the Christian right.[citation needed]

In Russia , the United Russia has collaborated closely with the Russian Orthodox Church, support the Kremlin's appeal to social conservatives.[220]

In the Philippines , due to Spanish colonization, and the introduction of the Catholic Church, religious conservatism has a strong influence on national policies. Some have argued that the U.S. Christian right may have roots in the Philippines.[221]

The Swiss Federal Democratic Union is a small conservative Protestant party with about 1% of the vote.[222]

In Scandinavia, the Faroe Island's Centre Party is a bible-oriented fundamentalist party with about 4% of the vote. However, the Norwegian Christian People's Party, the Swedish Christian Democrats and Danish Christian Democrats are less religiously orthodox and are similar to mainstream European Christian Democracy.

In Fiji, Sodelpa is a conservative, nationalist party which seeks to make Christianity the state religion, while the constitution makes Fiji a secular republic. Following the 2014 general election, Sodelpa is the main opposition party in Parliament.

In Mexico, the interests of the Christian right are represented by different political organisations and civil associations. The most notable case is the National Action Party, a conservative party aligned with Christian Democratic ideas, notably influenced by the Social teaching of the Catholic Church, and which has held the presidency of Mexico twice. The party's platform states strong opposition to abortion, same-sex marriage and the legalisation of drugs, among many other conservative policies. In addition, prominent figures in the party have been linked to Catholic Church organisations. The evangelical caucus, albeit for a relatively short time, was represented by the Social Encounter Party and the Solidarity Encounter Party, the latter being the successor to the former. Both parties were founded by Hugo Eric Flores, who according to some sources was an evangelical minister before entering politics. Initially statewide for Baja California, Social Encounter came to govern that state in coalition with the National Action Party. The party would later be officialised as a political party at the federal level. Other organisations and associations adhering to the ideals of the Christian right include the Frente Nacional por la Familia, the Organización del Bien Común, colloquially known as El Yunque and with close ties to the PAN, and the Legionaries of Christ, a Roman Catholic clerical religious order of priests and candidates for the priesthood established in Mexico.

In Brazil , the evangelical caucus have a great influence at the parliament and in the society in general. The bloc promotes strong socially conservative positions, like opposition to abortion, LGBT rights, marijuana legalization, sexual and gender education at schools and support to decrease of age of defense of infancy. Except for left-wing and far-left parties with strong social progressive beliefs like Workers' Party or Socialism and Liberty Party, Christian conservatives can be found in all political parties of Brazil, but nevertheless they are more common associated with parties like Social Democratic Party, Democratas, PSL, Social Christian Party, Brazilian Republican Party, Patriota and in the Party of the Republic. In 2016, Marcelo Crivella, a licensed pentecostal pastor from the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God, won in a runoff the election to mayor of Rio de Janeiro, the second biggest city in Brazil, with the Brazilian Republican Party, making for the first time an evangelical bloc member mayor of a big city in Brazil. In 2018, Jair Bolsonaro was elected president with massive support of conservative Catholics, Charismatics, Evangelicals and Pentecostals; Another candidate, Cabo Daciolo, from Patriota, attracted much attention from media and public in general, despite a lower votation. Both had a right-wing populist, Christian Nationalist program, but Bolsonaro was near to a national conservative and economic liberal one, contrasting with an Ultranationalist, theocratic and protectionist style of Daciolo.

In Poland , the Roman Catholic national-conservative party Law and Justice can be considered to be a party of the Christian right.[223]

In Hungary, the ruling national-conservative party Fidesz can also be considered to be a party of the Christian right. Viktor Orbán is known for his use of conservative Christian values against immigration and the rise of Islam in Europe.[224][225]

The Christian right has a strong position in several Conservative parties worldwide, although many members of these parties would also, paradoxically, strongly oppose such views.[citation needed]

Associated minor political parties

Some minor political parties have formed as vehicles for Christian right activists:

  • Australian Christians (Australia)
  • Christian Democratic Party (Australia)
  • Christian Party of Austria (Austria)
  • Botswana Movement for Democracy (Botswana)
  • We Believe (Bolivia)
  • Alliance for Brazil (Brazil)
  • Patriota (Brazil)
  • Christian Heritage Party (Canada)
  • National Restoration Party (Costa Rica)
  • Christian Democratic People's Party (Hungary)
  • Kataeb Party (Lebanon)
  • Christian Liberal Party (South Korea)
  • Christian Values Party (Sweden)
  • Federal Democratic Union (Switzerland)
  • Reformed Political Party (Netherlands)
  • Nicaraguan Party of the Christian Path (Nicaragua)
  • The Christians (Norway)
  • Law and Justice (Poland)
  • Alliance for the Union of Romanians (Romania)
  • Christian Party (United Kingdom)
  • Indian National Christian Party (India)
  • Christian Liberty Party (United States)
  • American Solidarity Party (United States)[226]
  • Constitution Party (United States)[227]
  • Prohibition Party (United States)
  • Democratic Unionist Party (United Kingdom)
  • Traditional Unionist Voice (United Kingdom)
  • Christian Conservative Party, a political party in Norway
  • Conservative Christian Party – BPF, a political party in Belarus


  • Roman Catholic Church (social, moral, and cultural issues)
    • Traditionalist Catholicism
  • Southern Baptist Convention
  • Assemblies of God
  • Presbyterian Church in America
  • Lutheran Church–Missouri Synod
  • Continuing Anglicans
  • Conservative evangelicalism
  • The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

See also


  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 "The New Christian Right in America as a Social and Political Force". Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions (Paris: Éditions de l'EHESS) 26 (52–1): 69–83. July–September 1981. doi:10.3406/assr.1981.2226. ISSN 0335-5985. 
  2. 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 Miller, Steven P. (2014). "Left, Right, Born Again". The Age of Evangelicalism: America's Born-Again Years. New York City: Oxford University Press. pp. 32–59. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199777952.003.0003. ISBN 9780199777952. OCLC 881502753. 
  3. 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Durham, Martin (2000). "The rise of the right". The Christian Right, the Far Right, and the Boundaries of American Conservatism. Manchester and New York City: Manchester University Press. pp. 1–23. ISBN 9780719054860. 
  4. Sociology: understanding a diverse society, Margaret L. Andersen, Howard Francis Taylor, Cengage Learning, 2005, ISBN:978-0-534-61716-5, ISBN:978-0-534-61716-5
  5. 5.0 5.1 5.2 Deckman, Melissa Marie (2004). School Board Battles: The Christian Right in Local Politics. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. p. 48. ISBN 9781589010017. Retrieved April 10, 2014. "More than half of all Christian right candidates attend evangelical Protestant churches, which are more theologically liberal. A relatively large number of Christian Right candidates (24 percent) are Catholics; however, when asked to describe themselves as either "progressive/liberal" or "traditional/conservative" Catholics, 88 percent of these Christian right candidates place themselves in the traditional category." 
  6. 6.0 6.1 Schweber, Howard (February 24, 2012). "The Catholicization of the American Right". The Huffington Post. "In the past two decades, the American religious Right has become increasingly Catholic. I mean that both literally and metaphorically. Literally, Catholic writers have emerged as intellectual leaders of the religious right in universities, the punditocracy, the press, and the courts, promoting an agenda that at its most theoretical involves a reclamation of the natural law tradition of Thomas Aquinas and at its most practical involves appeals to the kind of common-sense, 'everybody knows,' or 'it just is' arguments that have characterized opposition to same-sex marriage ... Meanwhile, in the realm of actual politics, Catholic politicians have emerged as leading figures in the religious conservative movement." 
  7. 7.0 7.1 Melissa Marie Deckman (2004). School Board Battles: the Christian right in Local Politics. Georgetown University Press. "Indeed, such significant Christian Right leaders such as Pat Buchanan and Paul Weyrich are conservative Catholics." 
  8. Smith, David Whitten; Burr, Elizabeth Geraldine (2007). Understanding World Religions: A Road Map for Justice and Peace. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 106. ISBN 9780742550551. 
  9. 9.0 9.1 "Protestants and Homosexuality". Protestantism in America. Columbia Contemporary American Religion Series. New York City: Columbia University Press. 2005 [2002]. pp. 149–178. ISBN 9780231111317. 
  10. 10.0 10.1 10.2 "Content Pages of the Encyclopedia of Religion and Social Science". 
  11. 11.0 11.1 Williams 2010, pp. 1, 2.
  12. "Fundamentalism turns 100, a landmark for the Christian Right". The Conversation. October 8, 2019. ISSN 2201-5639. Retrieved July 3, 2022. 
  13. 13.0 13.1 Green, John C.; Silk, Mark (Spring 2005). "Why Moral Values Did Count". Religion in the News. 
  14. 14.0 14.1 Edis, Taner (August 2020). "Is There A Political Argument For Teaching Evolution?". Marburg Journal of Religion (University of Marburg) 22 (2): 1–26. doi:10.17192/mjr.2020.22.8304. ISSN 1612-2941. Retrieved July 20, 2022. 
  15. 15.0 15.1 15.2 15.3 15.4 "The politics of abortion: A historical perspective". Women's Health Issues (Elsevier on behalf of the Jacobs Institute of Women's Health) 3 (3): 127–131. Fall 1993. doi:10.1016/S1049-3867(05)80245-2. ISSN 1878-4321. PMID 8274866. 
  16. 16.0 16.1 16.2 16.3 Rozell, Mark J.; Green, John Clifford; Jelen, Ted G.; Rozell, Mark J.; Wilcox, Clyde (2003) (in en). The Christian Right in American Politics: Marching to the Millennium. Georgetown University Press. p. 258. ISBN 978-0-87840-393-6. "The temperance movement is the clearly identifiable origin of the contemporary Christian Right in Maine. The Maine Christian Civic League (MCCL)—the principal Christian Right group in the state began as a temperance organization in" 
  17. 17.0 17.1 Zubovich, Gene (July 17, 2018). "The Christian Nationalism of Donald Trump" (in en). Washington University in St. Louis. 
  18. 18.0 18.1 18.2 Bowers, Paige (February 22, 2009). "Will the Recession Doom the Last Sunday Blue Laws?" (in en). Time (magazine).,8599,1880340,00.html. Retrieved October 6, 2020. "Those states — Georgia, Connecticut, Texas, Alabama and Minnesota — enjoy overwhelming voter support for an extra day of sales, but face opposition from members of the Christian right, who say that selling on Sunday undermines safety and tears apart families.". 
  19. 19.0 19.1 "U-M: 6 new stem cell lines available for research". Associated Press. June 14, 2012. [yes|permanent dead link|dead link}}]
  20. 20.0 20.1 20.2 20.3 20.4 Herman, Didi (1997). The Antigay Agenda: Orthodox Vision and the Christian Right. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-32764-8. Retrieved September 20, 2012. 
  21. di Mauro, Diane; Joffe, Carole (March 1, 2007). "The religious right and the reshaping of sexual policy: An examination of reproductive rights and sexuality education" (in en). Sexuality Research & Social Policy 4 (1): 67–92. doi:10.1525/srsp.2007.4.1.67. ISSN 1553-6610. 
  22. Bouma, Gary D. (September 5, 2018). "Young people want sex education and religion shouldn't get in the way" (in en). 
  23. 23.0 23.1 Petersen, David L. (2005). "Genesis and Family Values". Journal of Biblical Literature 124 (1): 5–23. doi:10.2307/30040988. 
  24. 24.0 24.1 Kaplan, George R. (May 1994). "Shotgun Wedding: Notes on Public Education's Encounter with the New Christian Right". Phi Delta Kappan 75 (9). 
  25. Grant Wacker. "The Christian Right, The Twentieth Century, Divining America: Religion in American History". National Humanities Center. 
  26. Sarah Pulliam: Phrase 'Religious Right' Misused, Conservatives Say Christianity Today (Web-only), February 12, 2009.
  27. Joireman, Sandra F., ed (2009). "Anabaptism and the State: An Uneasy Coexistence". Church, State, and Citizen: Christian Approaches to Political Engagement. Oxford and New York City: Oxford University Press. pp. 73–91. ISBN 978-0-19-537845-0. Retrieved February 26, 2022. 
  28. "Dr. Timothy Keller at the March 2013 Faith Angle Forum" (in en-US). 
  29. Dreher, Rod (July 24, 2014). "What Is 'Traditional Christianity,' Anyway?" (in en-US). 
  30. 30.0 30.1 Boston, Robert (2010). Why the Religious Right Is Wrong About Separation of Church and State. Prometheus Books. p. 103. ISBN 9781615924103. 
  31. Miller, Patricia (December 12, 2016). "Meet the New Christian Right, Same as the Old Christian Right" (in en). Religion Dispatches. 
  32. Ellis, Blake A. "An Alternative Politics: Texas Baptists and the Rise of the Christian Right, 1975–1985." The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, vol. 112, no. 4, 2009, pp. 361–86. JSTOR website Retrieved 5 May 2023.
  33. Cook, Kimberly J.; Powell, Chris (2003). "Christianity and Punitive Mentalities: A Qualitative Study". Crime, Law and Social Change 39 (1): 69–89. doi:10.1023/A:1022487430900. 
  34. 34.0 34.1 34.2 "Republican Party Platforms: Republican Party Platform of 1980". 
  35. 35.0 35.1 Jerome Himmelstein, p. 97; Spiritual Warfare: The Politics of the Religious Right, p.49–50, Sara Diamond, South End Press, Boston, MA
  36. 36.0 36.1 36.2 36.3 Martin, William (1996). With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America. New York: Broadway Books. ISBN 978-0-553-06745-3. 
  37. Williams 2010, p. 3
  38. Merriman, Scott A. Religion and the Law in America: An Encyclopedia of Personal Belief and Public Policy. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2007. Print. "In 1956, the United States, changed its motto to 'In God We Trust,' in large part to differentiate itself from the Soviet Union, its Cold War enemy that was widely seen as promoting atheism."
  39. Williams 2010, p. 5
  40. Joel D. Aberbach; Gillian Peele. Crisis of Conservatism?: The Republican Party, the Conservative Movement, and American Politics After Bush. Oxford University Press. 
  41. Kristin E. Heyer; Mark J. Rozell; Michael A. Genovese. Catholics and Politics: the Dynamic Tension between Faith and Power. Georgetown University Press. "To summarize, in the Republican Party, many Catholic activists held conservative positions on key issues emphasized by Christian Right leaders, and they said that they supported the political activities of some Christian Right candidates." 
  42. Perlstein, Rick (2008). Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America. Simon and Schuster. p. 164. ISBN 978-0743243025. 
  43. 43.0 43.1 Reinhard, David (1983). The Republican Right since 1945. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky. p. 245. ISBN 978-0813114842. 
  44. 44.0 44.1 44.2 Rozell, Mark J.; Wilcox, Clyde (1997). God at the Grass Roots, 1996: The Christian Right in the American Elections. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 117. ISBN 9780847686117. "Initially, the abortion issue dominated the agenda of conservative Christians. But as political context changed, more issues were included. Euthanasia, the rights of homosexuals, pornography, sex education in schools, charter and home schools, and gambling have become issues of concern to the "pro-family" movement." 
  45. Linda Wertheimer (June 23, 2006). "Evangelical: Religious Right Has Distorted the Faith". NPR. 
  46. Layman, Geoffrey C.; Green, John C. (2006). "Wars and Rumors of Wars: The Contexts of Cultural Conflict in American Political Behavior". British Journal of Political Science 36 (1): 61–89. doi:10.1017/S0007123406000044. 
  47. 47.0 47.1 47.2 47.3 Elaine Woo (December 19, 2008). "Paul Weyrich, religious conservative and ex-president of Heritage Foundation, dies at 66". Los Angeles Times. 
  48. Sara, Diamond (1995). Roads to Dominion. New York: Guilford Press. ISBN 978-0-89862-864-7. 
  49. 49.0 49.1 49.2 Rossi, Melissa (May 29, 2007). What Every American Should Know About Who's Really Running America. Penguin. ISBN 9781440621031. 
  50. Smidt, Corwin E.; Penning, James M. (1997) (in en). Sojourners in the Wilderness: The Christian Right in Comparative Perspective. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 51. ISBN 9780847686452. "Perhaps the most prominent example of this was when the Archdiocese of New York joined forces with the Christian Coalition during the New York City school board elections in 1993 and allowed the distribution of Christian Coalition voter guides in Catholic parishes." 
  51. Micklethwait and Wooldridge, The Right Nation, 2005, 111
  52. Micklethwait and Wooldridge, The Right Nation, 2005, 187
  53. "Dr. Dobson: ' I Cannot, and Will Not, Vote for McCain'". CitizenLink. 
  54. Moen, Matthew C. (1996). "The Evolving Politics of the Christian Right". PS: Political Science and Politics 29 (3): 461–464. doi:10.1017/S104909650004508X. 
  55. "Charities, Churches and Politics". Internal Revenue Service.,,id=161131,00.html. 
  56. "Democrats voted out of church because of their politics, members say". 
  57. Political Split Leaves a Church Sadder and Grayer, The New York Times , May 15, 2005
  58. Berlinerblau, Jacques (October 5, 2011). "Where does church end and state begin? – Georgetown/On Faith". The Washington Post. 
  59. "Speak Up: Pulpit Freedom Sunday – History of the Pulpit Initiative". 
  60. "FRC Action". 
  61. Vu, Michelle (October 20, 2007). "Presidential Hopefuls Highlight 'Values' to Christian Conservatives". The Christian Post. 
  62. Religion and the Presidential Vote , Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, December 6, 2004
  63. Martínez, Jessica; Smith, Gregory A. (November 9, 2016). "How the faithful voted: A preliminary 2016 analysis". Pew Research Center. 
  64. Lovett, Ian (November 9, 2016). "Evangelicals Back Donald Trump in Record Numbers, Despite Earlier Doubts". The Wall Street Journal. 
  65. Rosin, God's Harvard, 2007, 61–62
  66. Haberman, Aaron (2005). "Into the Wilderness: Ronald Reagan, Bob Jones University, and the Political Education of the Christian Right". The Historian 67 (2): 234–253. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.2005.00111.x. 
  67. Askin, Steve (February 1, 1994) (in en). A new Rite: conservative Catholic organizations and their allies. Catholics for a Free Choice. 
  68. 68.0 68.1 Anderson, John (September 19, 2014) (in en). Conservative Christian Politics in Russia and the United States. Routledge. p. 164. ISBN 9781317606635. "Some Christian Right leaders established their own institutions, such as Pat Robertson's Regents University and Jerry Falwell's Liberty University." 
  69. 69.0 69.1 Diamond, S. (2000) Not by Politics Alone: The Enduring Influence of the Christian right. New York: Guildford Press.
  70. "The Christian Coalition of America: America's Leading Grassroots Organization Defending Our Godly Heritage". The Christian Coalition of America. 2006. <>.
  71. Spring, Joel. Political Agendas for Education: From the Religious Right to the Green Party. Second Edition. (Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2002)
  72. 72.0 72.1 Ciment, James (March 26, 2015) (in en). Postwar America: An Encyclopedia of Social, Political, Cultural, and Economic History. Routledge. p. 513. ISBN 9781317462354. "Throughout the twentieth century, many evangelicals accepted theistic evolution ... Some Christian right organizations supported the teaching of creationism, along with evolution, in public schools." 
  73. 73.0 73.1 73.2 Wilson, J. Matthew (October 22, 2007) (in en). From Pews to Polling Places: Faith and Politics in the American Religious Mosaic. Georgetown University Press. p. 178. ISBN 9781589013261. "Among Catholics and Latinos who practice other religious traditions, more than seven in ten support having organized prayer in public schools. ... Catholics are much more likely to state that both evolution and creationism should be taught in the schools." 
  74. Pat Robertson Warns Pa. Town of Disaster ,
  75. Pa. Voters Rejected God ,
  76. "Court decisions regarding Evolution/Creationism". 
  77. Matzke, Nick (August 14, 2007). "The true origin of 'intelligent design'". Houston, TX: The TalkOrigins Foundation, Inc.. 
  78. Slack, Gordy. The Battle Over the Meaning of Everything. (San Francisco: John Wiley and Sons, 2007), 67.
  79. Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District: Memorandum Opinion by Judge John E. Jones III, page 89
  80. "Project Steve". 
  81. "Pope backs evolution, Vatican calls creation 'blasphemous'". 
  82. Chris Irvine (February 11, 2009). "The Vatican claims Darwin's theory of evolution is compatible with Christianity". The Telegraph. 
  83. "Our views". 
  84. Jonathan Wynne-Jones, Religious Affairs Correspondent (September 13, 2008). "Charles Darwin to receive apology from the Church of England for rejecting evolution". The Telegraph. 
  85. "Christianity in Evolution". 
  86. See Is the School House the Proper Place to Teach Raw Sex? (1968). Also:
  87. Harris, Sam. Letter to a Christian Nation 2006
  88. "Homeschooling in the United States: 2003 – Executive Summary". National Center for Education Statistics. 
  89. "Popularity of homeschooling rises nationwide, curriculum concerns, safety cited". Christian Examiner. 
  90. "Homeschooling in the United States: 2003 – Parents' Reasons for Homeschooling". National Center for Education Statistics. 
  91. Zack Kopplin (January 16, 2014). "Creationism in Texas public schools: Undermining the charter movement.". Slate. 
  92. Farney, James Harold (2012) (in en). Social Conservatives and Party Politics in Canada and the United States. University of Toronto Press. p. 61. ISBN 9781442612600. "Struggles broke out in state party organizations between social conservatives - in general organized by the Christian Coalition - and party activists more interested in fiscal policy, foreign policy, or simply winning office." 
  93. "The Christian Right, The Twentieth Century, Divining America: Religion in American History, TeacherServe, National Humanities Center". 
  94. Pat Robertson. "The First Amendment". 
  95. "Jefferson's Letter to the Danbury Baptists". 
  96. Quotations. "James Madison quotes". 
  97. "House Resolution 888 United States House of Representatives (Bill Text – 110th Congress (2007–2008) – THOMAS)". Library of Congress. December 18, 2007. 
  98. A Nonbeliever. "America is not founded upon Christianity but the Enlightenment". 
  99. Watkins, Shanea. "The Mythical "Wall of Separation": How a Misused Metaphor Changed Church–State Law, Policy, and Discourse". The Heritage Foundation. 
  100. "Wall of Separation Between Church and State: Myth, Reality, Results". Family Research Council. 
  101. Charles E. Steele (January 18, 2009). "Separation of Church and State, Thomas Jefferson, and the First Amendment". 
  102. "Religious Freedom". Alliance Defense Fund. 
  103. "The First Amendment means what it says - RIGHTLYCONCERNED.COM". February 19, 2010. 
  104. Gallup, Alec; Newport, Frank (2006) (in en). The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 2005. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 318. ISBN 9780742552586. "Related to their support of school prayer, most Americans also believe that religion should have a greater 'presence' in public schools. ... Protestants are most likely to favor school prayer (82%), followed closely by Catholics (75%)." 
  105. 105.0 105.1 "[Rice] melded politics and religion in a way that made it very clear what side of any political issue he believed God was on. God had been very clearly opposed to the New Deal "socialism" of Franklin Roosevelt, and God was equally opposed to the Great Society "socialism" of Lyndon Baines Johnson". Andrew Himes, The Sword of the Lord: The Roots of Fundamentalism in an American Family Chiara Press, 2011 ISBN:1453843752, (p.271).
  106. Nathan Andrew Finn, The Development of Baptist Fundamentalism in the South, 1940–1980 ProQuest, 2007 ISBN:0549371435 (p.204).
  107. "Christian Coalition of America". 
  108. "Christian Coalition of America". 
  109. Stephen Spector, Evangelicals and Israel: the story of American Christian Zionism (2008) pp 23–49
  110. Jan G. Linn, What's Wrong With The Christian Right (2004) p 27
  111. Bump, Philip. May 14, 2017. "Half of evangelicals support Israel because they believe it is important for fulfilling end-times prophecy". The Washington Post.
  112. "Religious Landscape Study" (in en-US). 
  113. Partial Birth Abortion Act of 2003 108th United States Congress (1st session)
  114. Allen Wants Parents Notified – Daily Press . (April 9, 1994). Retrieved on August 24, 2013.
  115. Prudence Flowers, "'A Prolife Disaster': The Reagan Administration and the Nomination of Sandra Day O'Connor". Journal of Contemporary History 53.2 (2018): 391–414
  116. 116.0 116.1 Belluck, Pam (June 6, 2012). "Abortion Qualms on Morning-After Pill May Be Unfounded". The New York Times. 
  117. Marcotte, Amanda (January 6, 2014). "Catholic Groups Trying to Eliminate Coverage of Contraception No Matter Who Pays: The latest court challenges to the birth control benefit show how much the fight against the contraception mandate is really about the Christian right trying to establish an employer's "right" to control your private sex life." (in en). Rewire. 
  118. Shorto, Russell (May 7, 2006). "Contra-Contraception". The New York Times. 
  119. "Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization" (in en). 
  120. "Exclusive: Supreme Court has voted to overturn abortion rights, draft opinion shows" (in en). May 2, 2022. 
  121. Rainey, Clint (January 4, 2013). "Is the Religious Right's Powerful Opposition to Drugs Finally Fading?" (in en). Slate. 
  122. 122.0 122.1 "Working Anita Bryant: The Impact of Christian Anti-Gay Activism on Lesbian and Gay Movement Claims". Social Problems (Oxford and New York City: Oxford University Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems) 48 (3): 411–428. August 2001. doi:10.1525/sp.2001.48.3.411. ISSN 1533-8533. 
  123. Bryant, Anita; Green, Bob (1978). At Any Cost. Grand Rapids, Michigan, US: Fleming H. Revell. ISBN 9780800709402. 
  124. Westengard, Laura (2019). "Monstrosity: Melancholia, Cannibalism, and HIV/AIDS". Gothic Queer Culture: Marginalized Communities and the Ghosts of Insidious Trauma. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press. pp. 99–103. ISBN 978-1-4962-0204-8. 
  125. 125.0 125.1 125.2 Green, Hohn (2006). Green, John C.. ed. THE VALUES CAMPAIGN? The Christian Right and the 2004 Elections. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. ISBN 978-1589011083. 
  126. Douthat, Ross, et al. "The 'Let's Just Ban Everything' Edition" Political Gabfest. Slate, February 15, 2018. Slate. Start listening at 37:00.
  127. Lerner, Michael (2006). The Left Hand of God (book). Harper Collins. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-06084247-5. 
  128. Posner, Sarah. "Amazing Disgrace" New Republic. March 20, 2017. November 16, 2017.
  129. Blow, Charles M. "Moore, Trump and the Right's New Religion". The New York Times. November 16, 2017. November 16, 2016.
  130. Detrow, S. "Russell Moore on 'altar call for Evangelical America'", NPR, All Things Considered, 5 August 2023. 18 January 2024.
  131. Johnson, Paul (2005). "Right-wing, rightist". A Political Glossary. Auburn University. 
  132. Bobbio, Norberto and Allan Cameron, Left and Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction. University of Chicago Press, 1997, p. 51, 62. ISBN:978-0-226-06246-4
  133. J. E. Goldthorpe. An Introduction to Sociology. Cambridge, England, UK; Oakleigh, Melbourne, Australia; New York City, USA p. 156. ISBN:0-521-24545-1.
  134. Petersen, David L. (2005). "Genesis and Family Values". Journal of Biblical Literature. 124 (1)
  135. Paul Edward Gottfried, Conservatism in America: Making Sense of the American Right, p. 13.
  136. The Religious Left Has a Numbers Problem by Frank Newport | Gallup, June 4, 2019 (retrieved May 5, 2020)
  137. Stephen J. Nichols: Jesus Made in America: A Cultural History from the Puritans to "The Passion of the Christ" pp. 204–209. Westmont, IL, 2008.
  138. Shermer, Michael (July 21, 2010). "Was Jesus a Conservative or a Liberal? – Michael Shermer – Skeptic". True/Slant. 
  139. "Biography of Mikhail Gorbachev". National Cold War Exhibition. Trustees of the Royal Air Force Museum.,%20Mikhail. 
  140. Olasky, Marvin (February 1, 1994). The Tragedy of American Compassion. Regnery Publishing. ISBN 9780895267252. Retrieved March 3, 2019. 
  141. Boyarin, Daniel; Itzkovitz, Daniel; Pellegrini, Ann (June 19, 2012). Queer Theory and the Jewish Question. Columbia University Press. p. 85. ISBN 9780231508957. 
  142. Miller, Patricia (December 12, 2016). "Meet the New Christian Right, Same as The Old Christian Right". Religion Dispatches. 
  143. Star Parker (February 3, 2020). "Faith Freed Clarence Thomas From Hate". The National Interest. 
  144. Kevin D. Williamson (November 7, 2019). "The Gospel According to Kanye". National Review. 
  145. Christine A. Scheller (May 31, 2012). "Talking Politics with Dr. Tony Evans". "[Evans:] 'God would never have endorsed what the culture is allowing [regarding same-sex marriage].' [Interviewer:] 'Doesn't the combination of limited government and social conservatism just land you in the Republican party?' [Evans:] 'No, it doesn't, because I believe that we have conservative, blue-dog Democrats who would hold to non-abortion, who would hold to the definition of a family as a man and a woman, and who would at least hold to a smaller government than now exists.'" 
  146. Emily Belz (October 5, 2012). "Vote your priorities". World. "[Evans] makes clear he isn't endorsing anyone or any party, but he's clear in his criticism of President Obama's positions on abortion and the family. ... 'I will always [prioritize] the right to life.' ... 'Spending is totally out of control, because government's doing more than it was designed to do.' ... 'The Bible makes no provision for the redefinition of marriage and the family, other than the one that is prescribed in the Bible by God and Jesus to be between a man and a woman. It is an illegitimate issue to accept or promote from a Christian standpoint.'" 
  147. "Why TCPC Advocates Equal Rights for Gay and Lesbian People". 
  148. "Equality for Gays and Lesbians". December 1, 2005. 
  149. Bible & Homosexuality Home Page . (December 11, 1998). Retrieved on August 24, 2013.
  150. Mundy, David. "How Can Someone Be A Christian And A Homosexual? | Whosoever". 
  151. "Alliance Defending Freedom" (in en). 
  152. 152.0 152.1 Barron, Bruce. 1992. Heaven on Earth? The Social & Political Agendas of Dominion Theology. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan. ISBN:0-310-53611-1.
  153. Davis, Derek H. and Hankins, Barry, 2003. New Religious Movements and Religious Liberty in America, Baylor University Press.
  154. Davidson, Carl; Harris, Jerry (2006). "Globalisation, theocracy and the new fascism: the US Right's rise to power". Race and Class 47 (3): 47–67. doi:10.1177/0306396806061086. 
  155. Berlet, Chip and Matthew N. Lyons. 2000. Right-Wing Populism in America: Too Close for Comfort. New York: Guilford Press.
  156. Diamond, Sara, 1998. Not by Politics Alone: The Enduring Influence of the Christian Right, New York: Guilford Press, p.213.
  157. Ortiz, Chris 2007. "Gary North on D. James Kennedy" , Chalcedon Blog, September 6, 2007.
  158. Diamond, Sara. 1995. Roads to Dominion: Right-Wing Movements and Political Power in the United States. New York: Guilford Press. ISBN:0-89862-864-4.
  159. Diamond, Sara. 1989. Spiritual Warfare: The Politics of the Christian Right. Boston: South End Press.
  160. In her early work, Diamond sometimes used the term dominion theology to refer to this broader movement, rather than to the specific theological system of Reconstructionism.
  161. Clarkson, Frederick, 1994. Christian Reconstructionism: Theocratic Dominionism Gains Influence", The Public Eye 8, Nos. 1 & 2, March/June 1994.
  162. Clarkson, Frederick. 1997. Eternal Hostility: The Struggle Between Theocracy and Democracy. Monroe, Maine: Common Courage. ISBN:1-56751-088-4
  163. The Christian Right and the Rise of American Fascism By Chris Hedges , TheocracyWatch.
  164. Hedges, Chris (May 2005). "Feeling the hate with the National Religious Broadcasters". Harper's Magazine. 
  165. Hedges, Chris, American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America, Free Press, 2006.
  166. Goldberg, Michelle 2006. Kingdom Coming: The Rise of Christian Nationalism. New York: W. W. Norton. ISBN:0-393-06094-2 (10). ISBN:978-0-393-06094-2 (13).
  167. Phillips, Kevin 2006. American Theocracy: The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion, Oil, and Borrowed Money in the 21st century ISBN:0-670-03486-X
  168. McCarraher, Eugene 2006. "Empire Falls", Commonweal 133(9), May 5, 2006.
  169. Yurica, Katherine 2004. "The Despoiling of America" published February 11, 2004 . Retrieved October 3, 2007. And also published in Toward a New Political Humanism, edited by Barry F. Seidman and Neil J. Murphy, Prometheus Books, New York, 2004.
  170. Yurica, Katherine 2004. Blood Guilty Churches , January 19, 2005. Retrieved October 6, 2007.
  171. Yurica, Katherine 2005. Yurica Responds to Stanley Kurtz Attack , May 23, 2005. Retrieved October 6, 2007.
  172. Maddox, Marion 2005. God under Howard: The Rise of the Religious Right in Australian Politics, Allen & Unwin.
  173. Rudin, James 2006. The Baptizing of America: The Religious Right's Plans for the Rest of Us, New York: Thunder's Mouth Press.
  174. Harris, Sam 2007. "God's dupes", Los Angeles Times , March 15, 2007. Retrieved October 8, 2007.
  175. "The Rise of the Religious Right in the Republican Party" , TheocracyWatch, Last updated: December 2005; URL accessed May 8, 2006.
  176. 176.0 176.1 Stanley Kurtz (May 2, 2005). "Dominionist Domination: The Left runs with a wild theory". National Review Online. Retrieved October 6, 2007. 
  177. Stanley Kurtz (April 28, 2005). "Scary Stuff". National Review Online. Retrieved October 6, 2007. 
  178. Miller, Lisa, 2011. 'Dominionism' beliefs among conservative Christians overblown. Newsweek. Published August 18, 2011. Retrieved September 8, 2011.
  179. Douthat, Ross 2011. The New Yorker and Francis Schaeffer. The New York Times . Published August 29, 2011. Retrieved September 11, 2011.
  180. Carter, Joe, 2011. A Journalism Lesson for the New Yorker. First Things. Published August 10, 2011. Retrieved August 19, 2011.
  181. Pierce, Jeremy, 2011. Dominionismists. First Things. Published August 14, 2011. Retrieved September 8, 2011.
  182. Berlet, Chip, 2005. The Christian Right, Dominionism, and Theocracy . Retrieved September 25, 2007.
  183. Ellis Henican, "A spiritual olive branch for the far-right faithful", Newsday, May 1, 2005. Reposted at Retrieved September 23, 2006
  184. Diamond, Sara. 1995. "Dominion Theology". Z Magazine, February 1995
  185. "Pastors: Christian government not Jesus' cause". Anderson Independent-Mail. February 10, 2007. 
  186. "Pastors don't embrace movement". The State. [yes|permanent dead link|dead link}}]
  187. "Pastors fret Christian group might be a threat". 
  188. Curtis, Patriotism, Democracy, and Common Sense (2005) p 126
  189. Geiko Müller-Fahrenholz, America's battle for God: a European Christian looks at civil religion (2007) p xviii
  190. Pettitt, Robin T. (June 24, 2014) (in en). Contemporary Party Politics. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 66. ISBN 9781137412645. "Again, parties mobilised on religious grounds, most notable in the form of Christian Democratic parties found in, for example, Germany, but also, sometimes to a lesser extent, in much of the rest of Europe. Christian Democratic parties are also found in Chile and Mexico. It could be argued that the rise of the Christian right in the United States and its increased strength in the Republican Party is an example of this cleavage at work. The Christian right in the United States ... is equally driven by the debate over the role of the state and the church in political, social and moral life." 
  191. "Harper reopens same-sex marriage debate". CBC TV. November 30, 2005. 
  192. "Harper declares same-sex marriage issue closed". CTV. December 7, 2006. 
  193. 193.0 193.1 Hackett, Rosalind I. J., ed (2008). "The Changing Face of Christian Proselytization: New Actors from the Global South". Proselytization Revisited: Rights Talk, Free Markets, and Culture Wars (1st ed.). New York City and London: Routledge. pp. 109–138. ISBN 9781845532284. 
  194. Brenneis, Don; Strier, Karen B., eds (October 2004). "The Globalization of Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity". Annual Review of Anthropology (Annual Reviews) 33: 117–143. doi:10.1146/annurev.anthro.32.061002.093421. ISSN 1545-4290. 
  195. Corrales, Javier (January 17, 2018). "A Perfect Marriage: Evangelicals and Conservatives in Latin America". The New York Times. 
  196. 196.0 196.1 196.2 196.3 Lissardy, Gerardo. ""La fuerza política más nueva": cómo los evangélicos emergen en el mapa de poder en América Latina". BBC. 
  197. Young, Julia (March 31, 2013). "The Church in Latin America". Commonweal. 
  198. "Christianity and Conflict in Latin America". Pew Research Center. April 6, 2006. 
  199. "Pentecostalism and the morality of money: Prosperity, inequality, and religious sociality on the Zambian Copperbelt". Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (Wiley-Blackwell on behalf of the Royal Anthropological Institute) 18 (1): 123–139. March 2012. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9655.2011.01734.x. ISSN 1467-9655. Retrieved November 25, 2021. 
  200. Smith, Daniel J. (March 2021). "The Pentecostal prosperity gospel in Nigeria: Paradoxes of corruption and inequality". Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) 59 (1): 103–122. doi:10.1017/S0022278X2000066X. ISSN 1469-7777. OCLC 48535892. PMID 37398918. 
  201. Alan J. Day, Political parties of the world (2002) p 343
  202. 202.0 202.1 Robinson, Geoffrey (April 12, 2018). "Why the Australian Christian right has weak political appeal" (in en). 
  203. Mackerras, N. R. M. (1958). "Why the DLP Exists". Australian Institute of Policy and Science 30 (4): 30–34. 
  204. Parliament of Australia (2022). "The Democratic Labor Party an overview" (in en-AU). 
  205. Schneiders, Royce Millar, Ben (May 1, 2015). "Why is the union that represents supermarket workers stopping gay marriage?" (in en). 
  206. Retail and Fast Food Workers Union. "SDA Facts – Retail and Fast Food Workers Union". 
  207. "Denton lashes out at 'Catholic force' blocking euthanasia laws" (in en-AU). ABC News. August 10, 2016. 
  208. Parliament of Australia. "Hon Tony Burke MP" (in en-AU). 
  209. Fred Nile, Fred Nile: Autobiography (Sydney: Strand Publishing: 2001) ISBN:1-876825-79-0
  210. Sandeman, John (August 9, 2019). "CDP crisis meeting for Fred Nile's party – Eternity News" (in en-AU).,%20 
  211. Lim, Anne (July 16, 2019). "Christian Democrats – regrets, they have a few – Eternity News" (in en-AU).,%20 
  212. Sandeman, John (March 1, 2022). "Winding up order issued for Christian Democratic party – Eternity News" (in en-AU).,%20 
  213. Sandeman, John (May 19, 2022). "Fred Nile joins a new party, and introduces an Aboriginal rights bill – Eternity News" (in en-AU).,%20 
  214. "Bernardi's Australian Conservatives to merge with Family First" (in en-AU). ABC News. April 25, 2017. 
  215. "Christianity and the LNP". Brisbane Times. February 8, 2012. 
  216. Andrew Vincent, Modern Political Ideologies. John Wiley & Sons, 2009. ISBN:1405154950 (p. 325).
  217. Richard P. Davis, Mirror Hate: the Convergent Ideology of Northern Ireland paramilitaries, 1966–1992. Dartmouth, 1994. ISBN:1855215586 . (p.80)
  218. Kentish, Ben (June 10, 2017). "Conservative LGBT activists raise fears over DUP's 'appalling' record on gay rights". The Independent. 
  219. Karen Armstrong, A History of God: the 4000-year quest of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Ballantine Books, 1994 p. 390.
  220. "How the Russian Orthodox Church is backing Vladimir Putin's new world order". March 3, 2016. 
  221. Nadal, Kevin (2011). Filipino American Psychology: A Handbook of Theory, Research, and Clinical Practice. John Wiley & Sons. p. 42. ISBN 9781118019771. Retrieved August 22, 2014. 
  222. Alan J. Day, Political parties of the world (2002) p 449
  223. Coman, Julian (October 5, 2019). "Family, faith, flag: the religious right and the battle for Poland's soul" (in en-GB). The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. 
  224. Walker, Shaun (July 14, 2019). "Orbán deploys Christianity with a twist to tighten grip in Hungary" (in en-GB). The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. 
  225. Wylesol, Sarah; Posner, George (March 15, 2019). "Is Authoritarian Europe Becoming the New Hope of the Religious Right?" (in en). 
  226. "An Interview with David Frost and Kirk Morrison" (in en). Christian Democracy. "There is a growing movement of people who adhere to Catholic Social Teaching and, because of that, find that they cannot find a home with either of the two major political parties in the United States. Their answer has been to form a political party based on Christian democratic principles. The name they have chosen is American Solidarity Party. ... Kirk, you have an article that will go into the first issue of Christian Democracy along with this interview. Christian democracy has been described as conservative on social issues and liberal on economic issues." 
  227. "Constitution Party National Platform". Constitution 2012. 

Further reading

  • Boston, Rob. 2000. Close Encounters with the Religious Right: Journeys into the Twilight Zone of Religion and Politics. Prometheus Books. ISBN:978-1-57392-797-0
  • Boyd, James H., Politics and the Christian Voter
  • Brown, Ruth Murray (2002). For a "Christian America": A History of the Religious Right. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. ISBN 978-1-573-92973-8. 
  • Bruns, Roger A. 2002. Preacher: Billy Sunday and Big-Time American Evangelism. University of Illinois Press. ISBN:978-0-252-07075-4
  • Compton, John W. 2020. The End of Empathy: Why White Protestants Stopped Loving Their Neighbors. Oxford University Press.
  • Diamond, Sara. 1995. Roads to Dominion: Right-Wing Movements and Political Power in the United States. New York: Guilford. ISBN:0-89862-864-4
  • Dowland, Seth. Family Values and the Rise of the Christian Right (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015)
  • Gloege, Timothy. 2015. Guaranteed Pure: The Moody Bible Institute, Business, and the Making of Modern Evangelicalism. The University of North Carolina Press. ISBN:1469621010
  • Green, John C., James L. Guth and Kevin Hill. 1993. "Faith and Election: The Christian right in Congressional Campaigns 1978–1988". The Journal of Politics 55(1), (February): 80–91.
  • Green, John C. "The Christian Right and the 1994 Elections: A View from the States", PS: Political Science and Politics Vol. 28, No. 1 (Mar. 1995), pp. 5–8 in JSTOR
  • Himmelstein, Jerome L. 1990. To The Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism. University of California Press.
  • Kruse, Kevin M. One Nation Under God: How Corporate America Invented Christian America. Basic Books, 2015. ISBN:0465049494
  • Marsden, George. Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism.
  • Marsh, Charles. Wayward Christian Soldiers: Freeing the Gospel from Political Captivity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007)
  • Martin, William. 1996. With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, New York: Broadway Books. ISBN:0-7679-2257-3
  • Micklethwait, John; Wooldridge, Adrian (2004). The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America. New York City: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-1-59420-020-5. 
  • Noll, Mark. 1989. Religion and American Politics: From the Colonial Period to the 1980s.
  • Noll, Mark and Rawlyk, George: Amazing Grace: Evangelicalism in Australia, Canada, Britain, Canada and the United States: Montreal : McGill-Queens University Press: 1994: ISBN:0-7735-1214-4
  • Stausberg, Michael; Engler, Steven, eds (September 2020). "The deliverance of the administrative state: Deep state conspiracism, charismatic demonology, and the post-truth politics of American Christian nationalism". Religion (Taylor & Francis) 50 (4): 696–719. doi:10.1080/0048721X.2020.1810817. ISSN 1096-1151. 
  • Preston, Andrew, Bruce J. Schulman, and Julian E. Zelizer, eds. Faithful Republic: Religion and Politics in Modern America (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015) viii, 213 pp.; Essays by scholars
  • Ribuffo, Leo P. 1983. The Old Christian right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. ISBN:0-87722-598-2.
  • Shields, Jon A., "Framing the Christian Right: How Progressives and Post-War Liberals Constructed the Religious Right", Journal of Church and State, 53 (Autumn 2011), 635–55.
  • Smith, Jeremy Adam, 2007, "Living in the Gap: The Ideal and Reality of the Christian Right Family". The Public Eye, Winter 2007–08.
  • Wald, Kenneth. 2003. Religion and Politics in the United States.
  • Wilcox, Clyde. Onward Christian Soldiers: The Religious Right in American Politics. survey by two neutral scholars
  • Williams, Daniel K. (2010). God's Own Party: The Making of the Christian Right. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-534084-6. 
  • Wills, Garry (1990). Under God: Religion and American Politics. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-671-65705-5.